Language

Reporter's Notebook: Baylen Linnekin

Fisking Giordano on Chile, Marijuana and the Free Market

In recounting the regrettable failure of a marijuana-decriminalization bill in Chile, Al Giordano erroneously targets the one ideological group that has always consistently defended and fought for drug legalization: libertarians.

Giordano’s attack on the free market is not surprising, considering his position on the far left of the political spectrum. And while one or two of his points are worth considering, in the end Giordano leaves us with an argument so baseless that it must for all purposes be considered intellectually and strategically worthless.

I offer up now a point-by-point rebuttal of the arguments made by Giordano, an otherwise fine person, using a blogging tactic known as “fisking.” Giordano writes:

How is it that while drug policy reforms advance slowly in Brazil, Argentina, and even Venezuela, this movement finds itself in retreat in Chile?

The answer is simple: despite the rhetoric of neo-libertarians, governments and political leaders that claim to favor "free markets" have not walked their talk - paging free-market enthusiasts Vicente Fox, and Jorge Batlle, and their hollow lip-service on behalf of drug legalization, for example - when it comes to freeing the drug markets from prohibitionist government controls.

Giordano is absolutely correct here to criticize politicians like Fox here for not taking a stand against the terrible prohibitionist policies pushed by the U.S. government. Fox is indeed a proponent of the free market and of drug decriminalization, having previously worked for those coca pushers at Coca-Cola.

But Giordano is not fairly assessing the situation. In Mexico, presidents are elected for only one six-year term. Fox was a lame duck the day he walked into office. Worse still, Fox is the first president in Mexican history not to come from the PRI, which had ruled the country for more than seven decades. Did he choose to stand up to the U.S. drug war immediately after taking office? No. But when Fox did choose to take a stand against the policies of the U.S., it was to oppose the unjust American attack on Iraq. For this, Fox was sent to the doghouse, with former ally George W. Bush holding up the approval of Mexican truckers who sought permission –previously denied – to bring their goods into the U.S.

Thus, Bush imposed restrictions on free trade with Mexico – breaking the rules and spirit of NAFTA – in order to punish Fox. For Fox to push for legalization of drugs at a time when the edgy U.S. is launching willy-nilly attacks half-way around the world would be courageous, true, but foolhardy.

Is it far-fetched that Bush might invade a Mexico that has legalized drugs? Of course not. Remember that Bush’s father – by far the more sane of the two – invaded former ally Panama after that country’s leader was publicly revealed to be involved in the drugs trade.

So Fox stands merely as a disappointment, rather than the libertarian exemplar Giordano paints him to be.

Giordano writes:

Sometimes the truth is found in the simplest explanation: Political leaders and movements that do not champion the poor - the first and greatest victims of drug prohibition - have shown zero success in reforming drug laws, whereas, in Latin America, every successful reform to date has come from a political Left that values actions more than mere words.

Giordano is correct that the poor are victims of prohibition. And he is correct that the Left does indeed champion the poor. But why is that? Because the elite on the Left realize that their policies ensure a steady and ever-present stream of poor people. The policies of the Left do not increase the living standards of the poor. The policies of the Left instead propagate poverty through false populist promises.

And what do the poor, across the world, think about the Left? True, there are poor people in every country who will never leave the Left. But there are millions – perhaps billions – of once-impoverished people around the world who have left poverty thanks to the free market.

I have long thought this way, but having just returned from Bolivia – one of the poorest countries in the hemisphere – I can attest to the capitalist spirit being more alive there than in any place I have visited in the United States. Seemingly everyone owns a grocery, or an auto-repair shop, or an internet depot, or a telephone call center. And those who don’t own or rent a space set up shop in front of the storefronts, in the street, or in alleys. There is no shortage of upwardly mobile capitalists in Bolivia.

I believe that the Left succeeds in recruiting new members mainly by appealing to the more populist, nationalist sentiments of those who have been harmed not by capitalism but by entrenched politicians who claim to believe in the free market but who instead hide behind protectionism, subsidies, corporate welfare, drug prohibition, and other exclusionary policies that run counter to the free market. The presidency of George W. Bush is a good example of this type of harmful lip service to the free market.

The populists on the Left therefore appeal to those who have been harmed by protectionists in free-market attire. But it is the day-to-day actions of the poor in the developing world that speak volumes about their faith in the free-market.

Giordano writes:

Most interestingly, in the countries where the cause of drug policy reform advances, the leaders stop short of openly endorsing legalization. They are often inconsistent on the issue, throwing bones to Washington on one "anti-drug" campaign or other (such as interdicting airplanes suspected of transporting illicit drugs), while creating structural changes on others that begin to clear a path for change.

In the lands where a political Left is on the rise, reform marches forward instead of backwards. It is, right now, the only consistent "outcome determinative" factor affecting drug policy: Brazilian President Lula da Silva, for example, hasn't called for legalizing drugs, but has insisted that the "drug war" is a "class war," and surrounded himself with cabinet level appointees that openly favor drug decriminalization. Argentina President Néstor Kirchner has not called for decriminalization, but has appointed a Supreme Court chief that openly does, has embraced the coca leaf as a sacred, legal, plant, and funded many harm reduction programs to lessen the harm caused by use of some drugs under prohibition.

This simply isn’t true. For every example of a figure on the Left who is changing drug policy for the better, there is at least one free marketeer who has done exactly the same. Hernando de Soto, the former Peruvian drug czar and champion of the free market, is one. Gary Johnson, the Republican former governor of New Mexico is another. And for every example, like Fox, of one who has not worked to end flawed prohibitionist policies, there is a similar example of intransigence on the Left. In the case of Fidel Castro, the putative darling of the political left throughout the Americas, one need look no further than the jails of Cuba to find thousands of people imprisoned for drug crimes.

What’s more, the defense of traditional uses of coca that Giordano champions is made – in countries like Bolivia and Peru – at the exception of all other drugs. Try smoking a joint or snorting a line in one of these countries and you will find yourself imprisoned. Special treatment for some people who are allowed to use some drugs fosters – rather than diminishes – the prevalence of drug prohibition, especially when prisons are filled with people who use, possess, or sell other drugs in these countries.

Giordano writes:

So what gives with Chile? The answer is both obvious and disturbing. The economic policies of the Chilean State have abandoned the poor and working folks in favor of business interests and "free trade." This is particularly disappointing since Chilean President Ricardo Lagos once served in the cabinet of President Salvador Allende, a champion of the poor who was deposed by coup and assassinated for it in 1973. The so-called political Left in Chile has absorbed many of the worst qualities of the authoritarian Right that it once set out to remove from power.

Nations that give too much political power to the mercantile classes, simply put, create a set of political conditions that serve as a block on drug policy reform: When big money and its lobbyists rule a political process - the United States being the best example of this phenomenon - drug policy reform becomes impossible. The system favors the interests of those who can pay. And opponents of drug policy reform, which include banking and pharmaceutical interests, among others, that directly benefit from prohibitionist drug policies, always carry the day under that set of circumstances, where market power equals political power.

This reality is confusing to many "developed world" reformers from the USA to Europe. They get very excited about words but, superficially, not deeds. The attention they lavish upon fellow free-marketers like Mexican President Fox and Uruguay President Batlle - despite the fact that neither so-called "legalizer" has backed up his words with a single concrete policy initiative - towers over the grudging attention they give to, say, a Lula government in Brazil and the exciting, manifold, changes in public attitudes and policy regarding drugs and their users underway there. It is Lula's inconsistencies, rather, that draw their attention rather than their own movement's victories. I've called this phenomenon "the beautiful loser syndrome" in which U.S. activists, in particular, would rather be "right" than win. But there is another factor, related to ideology: United States free-market libertarians say they want drugs legalized, while simultaneously pushing for market conditions that make legalization impossible. And in the superficial United States, words trump deeds.

Giving power to a mercantile class – or any class – is not a part of libertarianism, which stands instead for empowering individuals and civil society at the expense of the authoritarian state. Giordano is right to criticize the U.S. government for its knee-jerk responsiveness to the faulty whims of the moment, but here Giordano errs by assailing libertarianism as the catalyst for this unseemly process. And an explanation of the core of libertarianism seems to be called for here to refute Giordano’s misrepresentation of the tenets of classical liberalism.

Using the example of the U.S., libertarians here believe our Constitution to be very clear about the rights and responsibilities of the American people and our government. We should be free to do as we please as long as we do not harm the person or property of another. This means that each individual adult should be entirely free to engage in the voluntary purchase, sale and use of drugs, pornography, hamburgers, homes, etc. – free of any government involvement, judgment or penalty. The government’s responsibilities, thus, are limited by the Constitution to ensuring that each person’s property is protected from theft or damage, and that each person is protected from physical violence.

These two things are not only the essence of what government should do, they are the only things government should do.

The more government is expected to do, the more it becomes involved in the lives of the citizenry. A government that is looked to for nurturing, shelter, subsistence and guidance will not only spend unfathomable sums failing to provide these things, but the ruling class will also use its power to force its values on the recipients of its defective aid.

Finally, Giordano fails to substantiate what I feel is the lynchpin of his campaign against the free market when he writes that American libertarians “say they want drugs legalized, while simultaneously pushing for market conditions that make legalization impossible.” This baseless claim could not be further from the truth. While there are many economic systems under which drugs can and will be legalized, a pure free market is the only system that by its very definition ensures the legalization of all drugs.

Giordano writes:

The time has come for drug policy reformers - good people who really do want to see the drug laws changed - to see through the "free market" snake oil and look at where progress is being made, and why: the reforms in Latin America - despite this latest defeat in Chile - move forward while even in New York state they can't seem to drop the Rockefeller drug laws that everyone claims to agree need overhaul. And where reform is moving forward, its spear is the fight for poor people, to stop imprisoning and criminalizing the poor drug users.

It is an uncomfortable reality for some to see that the market, by its very nature, blocks reform and those unwashed, red-and-black, warriors of class struggle - from the coca grower's cradle in La Paz to the drug addict's grave in Buenos Aires - are today's vanguard in terms of successfully bringing about reform. An uncomfortable reality, but a reality nonetheless: And is not reality discomforting by its very nature?

Giordano, a native New Yorker, rightly attacks the state’s horrific, cruel and enslaving Rockefeller Drug Laws. But if New York – with its bloated budgets, high taxes, nanny-state prohibitions on smoking and drug use, and siege mentality – is Giordano’s idea of a free-market Valhalla, then it is clear that he is criticizing not libertarianism but something very different. Giordano, it seems, is lashing out at the power of the state – not of business or the free market. His criticisms therefore put him squarely on the side of the very libertarians he so seems to abhor.

Giordano writes:

The events of recent days in Venezuela, where an administration - that of President Hugo Chávez - that stands up to the pressures of Washington and Wall Street has just received a stunning electoral mandate from 59-percent of its citizenry, now pushes the resistance to U.S.-imposed policies to a bold, new, era. Although the words "drug policy reform" were not mentioned by Chávez, or by either side, during that historic campaign, the path is now cleared for the legal system reforms in Venezuela that are decriminalizing the smalltime drug user (paging Human Rights Watch, which gets a large part of its $22 million dollar annual budget from leading drug policy reformer George Soros, and yet has ignored this groundbreaking plank in the judicial reforms underway there even as it rails about other aspects of those reforms).

And beyond Venezuela, that country's victory of democracy-from-below on August 15th now emboldens the effective reformers from Bolivia to Colombia to Argentina and even in Mexico to turn up the volume in the fight for poor people's rights, a political war that is on a collision course with prohibitionist drug policies that have the main effect of crushing the poor while making the wealthy few even wealthier.

The drug war is, indeed, a class war. And the political solution to it lies in embracing and supporting the struggle by the poor against the authoritarian, private sector special interests. Once that fight gains traction, as the hard evidence has demonstrated, the rest, regarding drug policy, works itself out, because that battle undermines the economic and public opinion conditions that serve as the foundation for submission to U.S.-imposed prohibitionist drug policies. Welcome, kind reader, to the new América… the América from below. The ideological map, too, has turned upside-down. The hour has arrived to adapt to the new American reality.

Though there is no place in my heart for Chávez – indeed, his victory cost me $100, made payable to one Al Giordano – I acknowledge and admire that he is democratically elected and that he has moved in the direction of drug-policy reform. But did he do so out of leftist or, rather, populist principles? Giordano would have us believe the former, but Chávez’s erratic history – including launching and later being victimized by abortive coups – and intimacy with various dictators makes the latter a much more likely answer.

In calling the drug war a “war against the poor,” Giordano is playing to his audience, but he is only partly right. Why? Giordano is missing the forest for a tree by defining the drug war in such narrow terms. The drug war is a war against the poor, but it is so much more than that. It is a war against people of color – poor and wealthy; against the sick; against families; against (in the U.S.) the Constitution; against consumers; against taxpayers; and against people in every country where drugs are grown, made, bought, sold, exported, imported or used.

What’s more, it is unclear from his article what exactly Giordano means when he implores the poor to fight “the authoritarian, private sector special interests.” It seems unlikely to me that Giordano discerns at all between the private sector and any sinister, authoritarian, special-interest segment of that private sector.

Taken to its logical conclusion, Giordano’s drug-war-as-class-war analysis, coupled with his attacks on the private sector, leaves no solution but class warfare, a hopeless and worn road which dead-ends in a violent cul de sac. Class warfare would most certainly do lasting harm to members of all classes and to the cause of drug-policy reform that Giordano so deeply cares about.

This brings me to my last point: Giordano’s appeal to drug-policy reformers to abandon longstanding kinships with those who favor all that a pure free market brings – including complete repeal of nanny-state prohibitionist policies. This is as illogical as it is unrealistic. Unlike many on the Left, libertarians as a whole do not support drug legalization simply because it is personally or politically pragmatic – though it unquestionably is – but rather because of our unwavering belief in limited government and personal responsibility.

Whether or not those on the Left persist in partnering with libertarians in pushing for vital drug-policy reforms, libertarians will continue to be the most consistent, strong and righteous supporters of ending drug prohibition.

Comments

Now, Everybody... Play Nice!

I will offer a worthy fact-check and response to Baylen's critique of my Reporter's Notebook entry shortly.

In the meantime, this is just to say that I welcome the debate, with a worthy adversary, with whom we both agree on the pressing need to end drug prohibition, and that I personally bumped Baylen's comments to the center-column here because I think this debate is long overdue in the drug policy reform movement, and I'm thrilled that finally at least one person on the "economic libertarian" side of the spectrum has risen to the challenge to debate the role of "free market" politics in drug prohibition.

So, all ye co-publishers, play nice with Baylen! This is not personal... It's politics... and he's doing a great service by his willingness to debate.

I personally intend to teach him a few things that, it's obvious, he doesn't know!

Political Theater

What an eminently 'fiskable' piece!  Looks like one-note Johnny is long on ideology - "unwavering belief", "consistent, strong and riteous support" - and short one single, solitary historical example to support his case.  I would have sworn your notebook covered this.

Eagerly awaiting Al Giordano Assfucking Episode #3,428.

Pass the popcorn...

I'll Begin by Stating Where Baylen & I Agree

Jeff,

I'm not pulling out the KY on this one. There is good in Baylen and, in between other pressing tasks today, I have been trying to formulate in my mind a strategy not merely to destroy his arguments, but, rather, to bring him along... to educate the youngster... And to put on a good show here, of course, for the rest of the copublishers and readers, because a good debate is good for business (to use a term to which that "economic libertarians" can relate)!

So let me start with the points on which I think there is common ground:

We both oppose drug prohibition.

We both oppose it with a passion.

We both believe in democracy (although I've thought about, practiced, and lived the topic for a few more years than Baylen... I practically knew Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine! And I think my views on "authentic democracy," in which the Economic State must be democratized as much as the Governmental State, are just plain things that Baylen hasn't thought enough about.)

We both believe that The State should leave us all the hell alone.

We disagree, clearly, in how we define "The State." He seems to think The State is only government. My experience is that The State encompasses the "private sector" too. This is where this debate is going to rock. I believe in freedom from ALL the States. He believes in freedom from just one of them.

But since I believe that he really believes in freedom, per se, I think he can be brought along with reason and facts.

Okay, more tasks in daily life before launching my side of this debate... But here I come, shortly, to a computer screen near you and him, to pull my load in this long overdue debate...

Libertarians and "the One True Religion"

Like Jack the Ripper, I will cut up Baylen's arguments into parts, one at a time.

This will give him, and everyone, a chance to analyze the real facts and truths one at a time, so that they can't be swept under the rug of a religion wrapped as an ideology.

I will start with unmasking his "ideological" bias, and demonstrate how it creates an inaccurate prejudice and assumption in his own mind, in that he can't see who, historically, have done all the heavy lifting in the movement to legalize drugs, towering over the marginal contributions of the Libertarian Party and its acolytes.

It is important to begin here, because Baylen makes a very self-serving statement for his ideology: He says that his group, "libertarians," has been the "one" group that has carried the fight "consistently" and "always."

Baylen, please don't break your arm patting yourself and your ideology on the back. By taking credit for the hard work of others (a common "economic libertarian" trait, to ignore the delicate question of who really does the work, and "makes wealth," in our society), you are dishonoring the contributions, sacrifices, and, most importantly, the victories of another much larger tendency in American and world politics that has not only been as consistent as your misnamed "libertarians" but has been more effective and won us our only battles throughout the 90-year history of drug prohibition… and throughout the 2,000 year battle against authoritarianism and theocracy (religion being a major underpinning of the drug war says my old economic libertarian pal Thomas Szasz, according to his seminal book Ceremonial Chemistry: The Ritual Persecution of Drugs, Addicts, and Pushers… yes, Baylen, some of my best friends call themselves "libertarians!")

Baylen writes:

Al Giordano erroneously targets the one ideological group that has always consistently defended and fought for drug legalization: libertarians.

It is demonstrably false that this small, marginal, male-dominated with a few token Virgina Postrels always placed on stage, mercantile group of "economic libertarians" is the "one" group that has carried the legalization water.

Here's one important example to the contrary:

In 1987, two years before "economic libertarians" Milton Friedman or George Schultz had said squat in public about legalizing drugs, my best friend and mentor, the late Abbie Hoffman, wrote an entire book against the drug war, Steal This Urine Test (1987, Penguin Press), in which he called for legalization of all drugs. In fact, he had said it back in 1967 in his seminal work Revolution for the Hell of It, and in his 1971 bestseller Steal This Book, recently republished by Four Walls Eight Windows press, with, full disclosure, an introduction by yours truly.

Now, unless Baylen is including Abbie - who in one of whose final letters, penned to Dave Dellinger three months before Abbie's death, asserted, "I am of the Left" - in his so-called "one ideological group" of "libertarians" who have been consistent fighters for drug legalization, the existence of Abbie Hoffman - and millions of Americans who are closer to his political legacy than to that of the Libertarian Party - immediately disproves the first myth that Baylen has swallowed whole.

I'll agree that most "economic liberatarians," by and large, have consistently said that they favor drug legalization. But have they been the "one" group, or even the most effective?

What about the "social justice libertarians" of the American Civil Liberties Union who have fought against the drug war in Court and elsewhere since the Nixon years?

What about the decades-old National Organization for Reform of the Marijuana Laws (NORML) and its counter-cultural bases of support? Or the equally veteran High Times magazine?

Were these projects - consistent over decades in having "defended and fought for drug legalization" - created and supported by economic libertarians? Hell no! They came out of a distinct ideological tendency: Abbie's.

If Baylen doesn't acknowledge Abbie's as a real "ideology," well, that's because it was part of a much longer current for human freedom that was and is an "anti-ideology ideology."

It is the current of Giordano Bruno, Galileo and the original heretics who said the world was round in violation of religious doctrine.

It is the current of Proudhoun breaking with Marx, in the 1800s, against the bureaucratic tendencies of communism, who in his seminal work, "What Is Property?" opened his book by answering, "Property Is Theft."

It is the current of Nestor Makhno - see his The Struggle Against the State and Other Essays - the peasant leader of the Ukraine, who won that vast region for the Russian revolution only to be betrayed, persecuted, and exiled by Lenin after Makhno led the organization of the Ukraine into a stateless federation of workers' councils with no centralized government and no private property ownership.

It is the current of Emma Goldman who said "If I can't dance I don't want to be in your revolution."

It is the current of Mohandas K. Gandhi - the greatest strategic leader of the 20th century! - who understood that "free" means you don't have to pay for basic human necessities…

This current in favor of human freedom from imposition has never embraced the silly idea that "the market" is inherently "good" or even positive. It recognizes that "the market" is itself a form of State Power over human beings and our freedom… and fights against both those impositions as one and the same…

It is not the devotees of a pro-market ideology that have carried the heavy water buckets for the antiprohibitionist cause (it wasn't in the 1920s and early 30s struggle against alcohol prohibition either, but, rather, the rough-and-tumble immigrant worker groups and women's organizations that carried the spear that forced that democratic socialist Franklin Delano Roosevelt to enact its repeal in January 1933)…

And I, for one, am sick and tired of a grouposcule of privileged individuals taking credit for my tendency's labors and sacrifices, or, worse, trying to impose their ideological label upon it by claiming to be the "one" true antiprohibitionist religion. They sound like Christian and Islamic fundamentalists to me.

Before the 1980s, really, the word "libertarian," in most of the world, meant "libertarian communist" - the anarchists (more accurately the anarchosyndicalists)… We who have been persecuted by the centralized bureaucracies of the right and of the left, who have been marginalized and massacred by both the traditional State of governments and the new global state known as the Market and its occupying army that is the Commercial Media, because we have always done the hard work, and paid the greatest price, in the fight for human freedom.

Today's "economic libertarians" are imposters. The Authentic Libertarians are those who fight against all forms of State Power, and see through the snake-oil sales pitch that dishonestly claims that the only form of State Power comes from governments, or that the Market - top-down, hierarchical, un-elected, un-democratic, lifeless, cruel, inhuman, dictatorial and responsible for more death, carnage, starvation, illness, and human suffering than all governments combined throughout history - is like some benevolent god or "perfect order of nature."

To successfully remove the War on Drugs, we must remove its underpinnings, and that means that the un-elected "Market" that buys governments like commodities futures must be neutralized in this battle.

So, I'll begin with that: a reminder that there is a working class to all successful political struggles throughout history, and to rob us of credit for our labor and sacrifices on behalf of another damn "one true religion" merely replicates the same injustice inherent in the top-down prohibition of drugs.

Speaking to the power

Although speaking to the issues of racism and black power at the time (1966), Stokely Carmichael is relevant on this topic as well. You can't talk about libertarianism, free markets or any form of political system based on economics -- in the United States at least -- without considering Carmichael's thesis.

From "What We Want"

Ultimately, the economic foundation of this country must be shaken if black people are to control their lives. The colonies of the United States -- and this includes the black ghettoes within its borders, north and south -- must be liberated. For a century this nation has been like an octopus of exploitation, its tentacles stretching from Mississippi and Harlem to South America, the Middle East, southern Africa, and Vietnam; the form of exploitation varies from area to area but the essential result has been the same -- a powerful few have been maintained and enriched at the expense of the poor and voiceless colored masses. This pattern must be broken. As its grip loosens here and there around the world, the hopes of black Americans become more realistic. For racism to die, a totally different America must be born.

Seems to me that a "free market" is a form of rationalized exploitation; it's a system where there are always going to be far more losers than winners, where the civil rights of not only people of color, but of all people of conscience, are laid to waste by the greedy aspirations of the few -- typically those born with the most poker chips.

Libertarianism (or capitalism lite) seems to assume that everyone in the game is playing fair, that the invisible hand of the market is doing more than jacking itself off.

Libertarianism fails to account, in any substantive way, at least as I see it, for the deeper problem we have in this country, USA.

From Carmichel's essay:

The reality is that this nation, from top to bottom, is rascist; that racism is not primarily a problem of "human relations" but of an exploitation maintained -- either actively or through silence -- by the society as a whole. Camus and Sarte have asked, can a man condemn himself? Can they stop blaming us, and blame their own system? Are they capable of the shame which might become a revolutionary emotion?

Is libertarianism truly an expression of a "revolutionary emotion?" I don't think so. I think it is just another way to rationalize our ghettoes, (the hearbeat of our "war on drugs"), to avoid honestly confronting the shame.

I'll stay tuned for more debate on this topic.

power, racism, monotheism, and prohibition

Bill is definitely right that its impossible to talk seriously about the power dynamics of drug prohibition without addressing the power structure of white supremacy.  Certainly in U.S. history, the prohibition of specific drugs has been linked to racism from the outlawing of the ceremonial use of peyote, to the anti-Chinese racism linked to the prohibition of opium, to the demonization of African-Americans and Chicanos that drove marijuana prohibition.  And racism in this country has always been linked to economic issues -- the control of land and the exploitation of cheap or free labor.

 The persecution of the counter-culture was linked to the fact that these predominantly white young people were seen as race and class traitors, rejecting the culture of affluence and exploitation they were born into.  

Certainly, the drug war today can't be understood without looking at the reality of the prison-industrial complex.  And Angela Davis has demonstrated convincingly in her work in recent years that the contemporary prison system, which had its origins in the post-Civil War south where it was used as a means of controling the recently "emancipated" Black population, represents a continuation of slavery.

We also have to take into account the role of the CIA and other "intelligence" agencies in introducing heroin and crack into poor communities of color in the U.S. as a means of control and as a means of criminalizing poverty.  As Ani DiFranco says, "The old dog's got a new trick, its called criminalize the symptoms while you spread the disease."

My friend John Schuchardt, one of the founders of the radical Catholic Plowshares movement, has said that it is impossible to understand any power structures in this country without acknowledging that this country's wealth was built primarily through the forced labor of kidnapped African slaves and through genocide against the Native American population.  Certainly the prohibition of some drugs and the introduction and promotion of others is linked to this same history.

Going back further, we can see that drug prohibition has always been about the destruction of indigenous, land based cultures.  In medieval and early modern Europe drug prohibition took the form of witch burnings -- the execution of people, mostly women, who performed rituals linked to the cycle of the seasons using consciousness-altering plants.   This represented a genocide against the tribal peoples whose cultures and religions pre-dated the forced imposition of creativity by the Roman empire and its successors. (See Terrence McKenna's Food of the Gods)   Modern western anarchism traces its roots back to some of those who resisted the religious, economic, and technological impositions of empires.   Alchemy represented the last publicly practiced strain of European traditional magick (though in much of Europe the old ways have been maintained through secretive matrilineal oral traditions,) and in the seventeenth century the defense of alchemy, along with the defense of common lands, spiritual autonomy, and local sovereignty, gave rise to radical movements such as the Diggers and the Levelers who influenced later Left libertarian movements.

Byron, Shelly, and other British Romantics who later championed both nature-based spirituality and Left politics were all opium enthusiaists.

Its no mistake that the Greenwich Village intellectual culture of the 1920's and 1930's that gave rise to the emergence of contemporary North American anarchism was also fascinated by mescaline and peyote.

Of course we can also link the persecution of drug users to the central ideology of monotheism which posits a single truth, a single true consciousness, a single totalizing reality -- all of which are undermined by the ritual use of psychedellics.  Gary Snyder and Ed Abbey, both heirs to the Kropotkin-Prudhon-Goldman anarchist tradition both made compelling cases that the imposition of monotheism represented the beginning of totalitarianism.

Aright, enough disjointed rambing for now . . .

Fisk, Fox, Mexico, War,Terms & Truths

I'm taking this point by point, Jackie R. style, and some points are smaller than others. This is small, but I think terms and words are important, especially as we're setting up the language of the debate, and it has to do with Baylen's use of the term "fisking."

Baylen writes:

I offer up now a point-by-point rebuttal of the arguments made by Giordano, an otherwise fine person, using a blogging tactic known as “fisking.”

In fact, the term "fisking" is used only by a certain neoconservative sliver of the blogosphere that favors the Iraq war. The term comes from point-by-point critiques of journalistic work by Iraq war critic Robert Fisk of the Independent of London. And because these neocon bloggers (mainly Instapundit and his fellow pro-war cheerleaders) are often in a kind of Beavis & Butthead boy's club narcissistic self-obsession, they giggle that it sounds like "fisting," and think they invented the concept of point-by-point rebuttals, which, I'm old enough to remember, existed before blogs did.

You won't find the term "fisking" used outside of that little slice of blogdom. For example, over at the Daily Kos, which has beaten Instapundit for the crown of most-read blog, and has 5,000 more bloggers than Instapundit, you never see the term used, although you'll see many point-by-point rebuttals. Why? Those folks are against the war. They don't feel it necessary to take a cheap shot at Robert Fisk every time they debate a text!

I am a little bit surprised to see Baylen use this pro-war term because as I understood it he was against the war. He implies as much above when he cheers Mexican President Vicente Fox:

But when Fox did choose to take a stand against the policies of the U.S., it was to oppose the unjust American attack on Iraq. For this, Fox was sent to the doghouse, with former ally George W. Bush holding up the approval of Mexican truckers who sought permission –previously denied – to bring their goods into the U.S.

Thus, Bush imposed restrictions on free trade with Mexico – breaking the rules and spirit of NAFTA – in order to punish Fox. For Fox to push for legalization of drugs at a time when the edgy U.S. is launching willy-nilly attacks half-way around the world would be courageous, true, but foolhardy.

Now, I read the Mexican news daily, in Spanish, and I wonder if Baylen would be willing to make a wager and part with yet another $100 dollars. When did Fox "take a stand against" the Iraq war? Show me the quote, the date, the cite. The fact is that Fox never took such a stand.

What Baylen is confusing here is the fact that the Mexican Congress - controlled by opposition parties to Fox - took a stand against Mexico participating in the so-called Iraq coalition, and for this Mexico was "punished" by the U.S.... and that Fox, unable to speak for his nation on the issue, his hands tied, never spoke up in favor of the war... that is quite different from "taking a stand" against the war!

Finally, on this point of Mexico and drug policy, Baylen writes:

Is it far-fetched that Bush might invade a Mexico that has legalized drugs? Of course not. Remember that Bush’s father – by far the more sane of the two – invaded former ally Panama after that country’s leader was publicly revealed to be involved in the drugs trade.

In fact, I have long argued that it is impossible for the United States to militarily invade Mexico - or even place an economic embargo upon it - without causing conditions that would fast lead a rebellion by United States citizens against their own government at home, and that Mexico enjoys a unique power in this sense.

Mexico, a nation of about 100 million people, that shares a gigantic border with four United States, including the big electoral voting ones California and Texas, has great power in this equation.

The reason is simple: Every time the peso drops in value, another million Mexicans cross the border into the U.S. to seek the lost opportunity (for this reason the United States spends a fortune each year propping up the Mexican peso). Immigrants flooding over the border causes many more political problems than drugs crossing over the border in terms of public reaction, especially in the Southwest.

A military invasion would be even worse (let's not forget that Mexico has a proud history of beating back U.S. incursions into its territory, and winning some of those battles militarily)! It would lead to a dissolving border, along thousands of kilometers, impossible to patrol, and a huge exodus of Mexicans into the United States. Think that the U.S. public is going to tolerate its government's causing of that for an El Paso Minute? It is an impossible, pie in the sky, scenario.

Sure, the U.S. can invade Panama or place an economic embargo on Cuba or Haiti... small countries, with less impact (although, in the case of Cuba and Haiti tightening of embargoes has historically lead to waves of immigrants into Florida that, although very much smaller than what would come from Mexico, have had profound political consequences inside the United States).

Mexico, yes, does have the unique power to reform drug laws without the U.S. being able to invade or harm it economically. It has even more power than Canada in this regard. It has the weapon of an exodus that heads North at the slightest provocation or recession down South.

There are other reasons why Fox has not done anything to reform drug laws. They have more to do with his own administration's vulnerability as having been corrupted by drug trafficking, and the constant blackmail by the U.S. of charging Mexican officials with drug crimes. But it's not, and it never has been, fear of "invasion," another not-very-well-thought-out scenario offered by my esteemed colleage on the right side of the screen!

Bush invaded Panama over drugs?

"Is it far-fetched that Bush might invade a Mexico that has legalized drugs? Of course not. Remember that Bush’s father – by far the more sane of the two – invaded former ally Panama after that country’s leader was publicly revealed to be involved in the drugs trade."

What was missed in Al's response (though perhaps he just hasn't gotten to it yet) is the rather laughable implication that George Bush Sr. chose to invade Panama because he found out that Noriega was involved in the drugs trade.

Obviously that was the excuse given, and is the received mainstream doctrine, but does anyone reading this believe that line?  It was a pretext for an invasion desired for other reasons.

Even barring Al's explanation of why an invasion of Mexico over drug policy is unlikely, the historical example of Panama itself does not succeed in establishing a precedent of invasion over drug policy, as drug policy was not the cause.

It does set a precedent that if Mexico were to move toward drug legalization, that this would provide the US Government a pretext.  In the event that the USG would have some other compelling reason to want to invade Mexico, and one they'd prefer the public not to know or debate, they could pull the pretext out of their hat.  So there's still a potential risk there for Mexico, but that's quite different than what was implied in Baylen's comment, and perhaps Al's answer applies just as well to this different scenario.

Couple of Quick Points

1) Fisking, as a quick Google search (please don't make me explain what Google is) would have revealed, is simply the act of ripping apart a poorly researched piece. (See http://www.samizdata.net/blog/glossary_archives/00 1961.html , for instance.) Regardless of how it entered the vernacular, it is now widely used -- and not exclusively nor, I'd bet, even mostly by neo-cons.

2) In support of this, see Abe Ferlman's post Sunday, June 27 post at the Daily Kos, which Al erroneously claims never uses the term "fisk." What, then, is this?

"More F911 - I fisk BuzzMachine
by abe ferlman
Sun Jun 27th, 2004 at 12:44:53 GMT

Jeff Jarvis reviewed F911 on his blog, and I fisk his review.
Here's the link:

http://www.livejournal.com/users/bryguypgh/71895.h tml

Here's an excerpt:

: The real problem with the film, the really offensive thing about it, is that in Fahrenheit 9/11, we -- Americans from the President on down -- are portrayed as the bad guys.

So, Lila Lipscolm and her family are not Americans? Are they Canadian or something? Did we see the same movie?"

(Daily Kos fisking post is here: http://abe-ferlman.dailykos.com/story/2004/6/27/84 453/2959)

3) Fox refused to support the war in Iraq because he felt -- as did the French, Germans and others -- that inspectors needed more time to, well, inspect. Read about it here (http://english.pravda.ru/war/2003/03/11/44241.html ), including this quote from Vicente: "It is obvious that Iraq cannot disarm before March 17." This date, you may recall, was the U.S. deadline to disarm, after which the Bush administration reserved for itself the right to attack Iraq. This was an affront to the Bush administration.

4) Re: not invading Mexico, I think the current administration does not care one bit about world opinion. Bush's drug czar has already threatened Canada over that country's exportation of high-quality marijuana to the states. If the Bush administration can threaten Canada (!), it can do worse to Mexico. Sorry.

The Rhetoric of Fisking

Why is it that whenever we humans invent new technology – like the Internet – we somehow think we automatically invent new ideas? Fisking is nothing more than what Aristotle described thousands of years ago as the art of rhetoric.

From the book, “The Rhetoric of Aristotle”:

Now proof (persuasion) is a kind of demonstration; for we entertain the strongest conviction of a thing if we believe that it has been ‘demonstrated.’ Rhetorical proof, however, (is not scientific demonstration); it takes the form of an enthymeme, this being, in general, the most effective among the various forms of persuasion. The enthymeme, again, is a kind of syllogism (reasoning from the general to the specific, deduction); now every kind of syllogism falls within the province of Dialectic (showing the contradictions in an opponents argument and overcoming them), and must be examined under Dialectic as a whole, or under some branch of it. Consequently, the person with the clearest insight into the nature of syllogisms, who knows from what premises and in what modes they may be constructed, will also be the most expert in regard to enthymemes, once he has mastered their special province (of things contingent and uncertain such as human actions and their consequences), and has learned the differences between enthymemes and logical syllogisms. (The latter are complete, and yield an absolute demonstration.) Truth and likeness to truth are discerned by one and the same faculty; while human nature, let us add, has aptitude enough for discerning what is true, and men in most cases do arrive at the truth. Consequently, one who is skilled in discerning the truth can do well in weighing probabilities (matters of opinion).

That, my friends, is an ancient form of “fisking,” or whatever it is we want to call it in this phase of human evolution.

Sigh. My Kingdom for a Serious Debate

Three up, three down.
  1. You had to go all the way back more than two months, to June 27th, to find a post on the Daily Kos that mentioned the term "fisking." What of the thousands upon thousands of posts since then? I think, in this case, your exception proves the rule that the term is not used by most (and using the neocon Samizdata as a source hardly bolsters your claim).
  2. Your quote from Fox does not indicate his opposition to the war. Again, very weak comeback.
  3. It's very clear you didn't read carefully my analysis of why the U.S. can't invade Mexico. I spoke of national public opinion inside the United States, and said absolutely nothing about "world opinion" or whether Bush cares about that (of course he doesn't).
Instead, you offer a Canadian analogy, saying, "If Bush can threaten Canada, it can do worse to Mexico." First of all, "threatening" is not "invading." Do you think Bush could invade Canada without a huge domestic backlash from the U.S. public? If so you've been watching too many South Park movies.

Additionally, you don't explain why "it can do even worse to Mexico." You don't answer to any of the substantive reasons I gave as to why not.

You're shrinking from the debate, man. Little driveby shootings from a keypad do not constitute a substantive debate. I hope you can get back on your game here, because I really mean it when I say that I would value a worthy debater on the other side of this. But it seems to me you are just going through the motions and don't really have the passion of your own convictions behind your own claims.

Where is your defense of the "one true libertarian religion" and its so-called marvels for the end of drug prohibition?

Where is the beef?

Then again, maybe what is not said, what can't be defended, is the best indicator of the paucity of your original claims.

everyday violence

Hi Bay, Al, Bill, Sean, & guys I dont know, & everybody else.

I would weigh in here, in a very small & simple way... in order to maybe break down the debate & make it easy to enter. This I do for my own sake, as I am a simple-minded girl and all these side arguments & ideas make my simple head hurt.

Baylen says:

"Using the example of the U.S., libertarians here believe our Constitution to be very clear about the rights and responsibilities of the American people and our government. We should be free to do as we please as long as we do not harm the person or property of another. This means that each individual adult should be entirely free to engage in the voluntary purchase, sale and use of drugs, pornography, hamburgers, homes, etc. – free of any government involvement, judgment or penalty. The government’s responsibilities, thus, are limited by the Constitution to ensuring that each person’s property is protected from theft or damage, and that each person is protected from physical violence."

"These two things are not only the essence of what government should do, they are the only things government should do."

The problem to me is that Baylen & other libs fail to address the reality of capitalism which is that it is violent. The premise of capitalism is a natural competition for resources, & the everyday reality of capitalism is a system under which many people live in a state of everyday physical violence. If Baylen really believes the role of govt is to protect individuals from physical violence, then the govt needs to get its shit together & shut down everymutherfucking company Ive ever worked for. I have worked like a dog and spent more time in my life trying to figure out how Im going to pay the bills than I like to think about. My grandfather David Carver died six months after he retired from G.M. At that time, in '85, his factory Inland had started a new safety program... life expectancy according to what was told to my grandpa by the company was eighteen months past retirement for G.M. laborers like machine operators like him. Like I said, he lived six months past the day he retired from that hellhole. He was 53 years old & had a heart attack one evening & died couple of days later.

I wait tables for $2.13/hr plus voluntary tips, the same wage Ive been getting for the fifteen years I have waited tables, with no benefits except for half price at the bar after work (which, dont get me wrong, is a very well appreciated perk at the Original Rib House in Vandalia, OH). While I would agree that to a certain degree one chooses the work that one does.... I would rather put up with aching legs & back than the bullcrap Ive had to put up with at certain deskjobs Ive had. But the truth for most people is they just do what they can, & most people I know dont go thru the want-ads going eeny-meeny-miney-moe.... Most people I know get jobs where other people they know work, whether they be family members or friends. And right now, there just arent many jobs to be had! My uncle Ron Brown works for Chemineer here north of Dayton, & makes about $17/ hr, which is good money, right? But every few months I hear a story about how many people are getting laid off there, & how his house isnt paid off & hes worried he isnt going to have a job, but he really just wishes he would get early retirement because hes tired!!  

My point is that working for a living is everyday violence, & if libs believe that the govt should be protecting us from physical violence, they could spend some time on an assembly line in a dark dirty factory or in a steel mill or in a coal mine or in a US prison working for twenty cents an hour. All of those are capitalist endeavours by somebody!!! All of those places are products of a free market! And NAFTA!!! HAHAHA!!! Wages are sucking in all those big companies where at least before the guys could buy themselves a big pick-up truck when they werent putting in over-time... sucking because of policies like NAFTA. And ask the Mexicans how they like those turkeys G.M. gives 'em for Christmas every year; most Mexicans dont have ovens, so, this is a real funny gift... not that a turkey cant be cooked in water, cause it can & is in Mexico. Its just funny that these guys think American apple pie & turkey dinner is what the Mexicans working at G.M. factories in Mexico want. Not to mention my ex-brother-in-law worked for Mercedes in Mexico on an assembly line for about $20/ week. Not to mention that whole towns in Mexico dont have any men in them besides old men & boys cause the rest have jumped the border despite all that great work NAFTA has imported to them, come here to work in restaurants & in the fields & in factories for the six & seven dollar an hour jobs they can get up here.

And property... forget about it. Most people I know dont have any besides clothes & dishes.

This is what Al was talking about when he said there are "states" other than the govt. These "states" are products of free-market capitalism.

OK, thats my rant.

All in the spirit of serious debate, for which Al is willing to give... his kingdom?

Good Stuff

      This seems to be a pretty good debate.  Libertarians (the few I've read or met) seem to be long on ideology, short on the reality and recent history of the world.  The especially don't seem to be able to account for past injustices and just assume the "market" will take care of everything.
      Like I said about business students here at UT, "such men are dangerous."  Especially since they'll be running America (and thus, the world).

A day late and a dollar short

This was a good debate, and I'd written a contribution to it.  Which I found today cause of the new Mac OS' search feature while looking for Baylen's e-mail address -- Baylen, are you out there?  E-mail me!  I assume it wasn't finished or I'd have posted it, but here it is anyway, "In defense of libertarianism (sort of)":

I'll let Al keep his kingdom but try to be serious anyway and in part take Baylen's side on this.

Libertarianism is a radical ideology: it tries to go to the root of problems, and I like that.  I marched yesterday in New York City with the Poor Peopleís Economic Human Rights Campaign, and a bunch of people who would would mostly identify as radicals nominally marched in support of pitifully liberal solutions.  Government-subsidized housing, government-mandated living wages, even government-provided health care can make peoples living conditions better (and as bad as things are for the poor under the occasional leftist in power, or even self-professed free-marketer Bill Clinton, things are even worse under the likes of Reagan or Bush)-- but these demands certainly don't go to the root of the problem.  The root problem, of course, is the market, but only as it presently exists.  By my economic theory, housing and a living wage and to a lesser extent even health care take care of themselves fairly well in a market economy— as long as there is a fairly equal, rather than wildly unequal, distribution of wealth.

These policies that don't go to the root of the problem also won't bring people much real power over people's lives.  Indeed, lack of significant power over our own conditions is the root problem.  Everything that humans do -- as governments, businesses, and otherwise -- is a decision, and leaving the majority out of that decisionmaking is inevitably bad for the majority-- perhaps more so when few in the minority with the most power are willing to recognize that decisions are being made, that they have disproportionate power, or that the choices affect us collectively.

I hope that in the Narcosphere community, in addition to ending the state violence and incarceration of the drug war, this is another goal we can all agree on: that all people should have the most control possible over their own lives.

The way we, humanity as a group, have power over the circumstances of our lives is by organizing ourselves.  We can meet our needs, and fulfill our dreams, only by working together in groups.  That is what industrialized society is or any society is.  But there are of course different ways of organizing ourselves - or being organized by others - with very different results for our individual power over the circumstances of our lives.

Governments and markets are two very important ways of organizing ourselves.  Both have advantages and disadvantages in ideal theory, but the big problem is that in practice undemocratic governments and highly wealth-unequal markets are ways for a small group of people to control the rest of us.

And presumably one or the other or both wouldn't be necessary in some other way of organizing humanity, but their regular use for evil, in an unequal world, doesn't make government or markets inherently evil, or of no possible utility in a fair world where people have equal power.

Practically, in the present, if you are really for the market and claim to care about people, you can be for economic libertarianism for the United States and other first world countries, but you have to be for allowing protectionism, disrespect for intellectual property, and even direct government intervention in the economic sectors in other countries.  That's simply the history of development, whether an ideology chooses to recognize those facts or not.

Another thing about markets and the ideology behind them, it always seems to work out that property is more important than people, which I hope you'll agree is insane.

Just as it is organized businesses and government and co-ops and whatnot that provide what living conditions we do have, it is organized groups -- labor unions most prominently -- that have fought for the changes in government and business policy that have mostly made little things like a middle class and civil liberties possible, and as Al points out precious few of the leaders of social movements were economic libertarians.  Individual libertarians (in the more general sense) may stand firm on their principles, but until they take over New Hampshire I'm not going to believe in libertarians' ability to organize for positive change, though individual libertarians may be a force for good. Congressman Ron Paul is very consistently libertarian and is a hero of mine in the U.S. Congress, but remember there are precious few good people to choose from.

At worst, economic liberterians can wittingly or unwittingly provide an ideological cover for business interests that are not, in fact, in the economic libertarian camp.  Capitalists (here I speak of those with a lot more capital than street cart, which might be rented anyway) will seek everything they can get from government.  Capitalists will try to get every possible profitable trade protection, government subsidy, government handout in research or development, and government use of violence to extend their corporate interests.  Because of their power in influencing government, big businesses have most of the nanny state, while the rest of us receive more the police state.

As most of the conditions that affect our lives are collective conditions, this requires collective in addition to individual power.  Direct exchanges between and among people and groups (that is, markets), and everyone in a society contributing resources to have actions carried out on their behalf, but not necessarily directly for them (that is, government), can certainly be part of the means by which we exercise individual and collective power.  Both markets and government can be parts of a just and free economic and social system that provides for all our needs and a good part of all our desires-- with the dramatic change thout each person's power in markets or in governments be broadly equal to any other person's.

This is, anyhow, my lame, limited vision for a nice conservative, progressive revolution, not throwing anything out until we're sure we're good and done with it.  But make no mistake that a revolution will be necessary to achieve liberty and justice, and it is the ways we organize ourselves in this struggle that may hold the most promise for organized humanity, formerly known as civilization.

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