Reporter's Notebook: Bill Conroy

Informant weighs in on U.S. law enforcement corruption in Colombia

Baruch Vega claims he was used by multiple U.S. law enforcement agencies simultaneously in the late 1990s to infiltrate and flip key figures in Colombia’s North Valley Cartel narco-trafficking syndicate.

As a result, Vega contends that he has intimate knowledge of the alleged corruption outlined in the “Kent memo,” an internal Department of Justice document that was leaked to Narco News earlier this year and has prompted a barrage of media attention over the past few months.

Justice Department attorney Thomas M. Kent wrote the memo in late 2004 in an effort to draw attention to alleged serious corruption within the U.S. Embassy in Colombia. In the memo, Kent alleges that DEA agents in Bogotá assisted narco-traffickers, engaged in money laundering, and conspired to murder informants.

Vega told Narco News that between 1997 and 2000, the FBI and DEA each employed him as an informant in separate investigations focused on the North Valley Cartel leadership. At the same time, Vega claims, he also worked as a foreign counterintelligence source for the CIA.

During the course of those DEA and FBI investigations, Vega claims he discovered the operations were being compromised by corrupt players within both DEA and U.S. Customs — a federal law enforcement agency whose investigative arm has since become U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.

ICE is part of the Department of Homeland Security.

U.S. Customs, too, was involved in targeting Colombian narco-traffickers during the same period that Vega was working with the FBI, DEA and CIA in Colombia. Vega claims that ICE did have access, at one point, to much of the information about the informants and cooperating sources within the North Valley organization that had been cultivated through the separate FBI and DEA investigations.

Vega alleges that agents in the DEA office in Bogotá as well as someone within U.S. Customs were leaking information about ongoing U.S. law enforcement investigations to key players in the Colombian National Police (CNP). Vega says those CNP officials were aligned with North Valley narco-traffickers. In the wake of the information being leaked, there was a bloodbath, Vega says, with numerous informants and cooperating sources being assassinated in the aftermath. Similar allegations are made in the Kent memo.

“I have had three contracts on my life …,” Vega told Narco News. “I am one of the few survivors in this whole ordeal. Almost all of the people in my group (cooperating sources and other informants) are now dead.”

Vega says the many pieces of this dark mystery make it appear very complicated to unravel.

“But, if they are lined up in the right way, it becomes easy to understand,” he adds. “It’s a matter of putting the right players in the right place.”

The way things lined up, according to Vega, involved what amounts to the perfect narco-trafficking organization, which he describes as the “Devil’s Cartel.”

This so-called Devil’s Cartel was an alliance of North Valley traffickers, many of them former Colombian National Police officials, along with active members of the Colombian National Police under the direction of a corrupt Colombian National Police colonel named Danilo Gonzalez.

Paramilitary forces under the leadership of Carlos Castaño,  who headed the murderous United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (the AUC), provided the muscle and protection for this Devil’s Cartel and its operations, Vega contends.

The U.S. government indicted Castaño in 2002 on narco-trafficking charges. Two years later, Castaño disappeared, after a reported attempt on his life in Colombia. He is presumed dead, although his body was never found.

The intelligence arm of this Devil’s Cartel, Vega claims, was composed of corrupt U.S. federal agents with DEA and U.S. Customs.

The goal of the Devil’s Cartel alliance was to protect its narco-trafficking business, which grew out of the ashes of the Pablo Escobar narco-empire, and to neutralize rival drug traffickers. Among the chief organized rivals at the time was the Cali Cartel, which eventually was overshadowed by the North Valley cartel.

Meeting in Aruba

All of this may seem fantastic, and even suspect, as it is based on the word of an informant, but Vega’s allegations do mirror closely the corruption charges raised in the Kent memo. In addition, law enforcement sources tell Narco News that Vega was in a position to know a lot of things, which is precisely why so many U.S. agencies relied on him as an informant.

And Vega does contend he has evidence of the DEA and Customs corruption — evidence he says also is in the hands of the FBI. However, to date, Vega claims the U.S. government has failed to act on that evidence; a similar charge is made in the Kent memo.

Part of that evidence, Vega says, resulted from an April 2003 meeting he had with CNP Colonel Gonzalez in Aruba. That meeting was sanctioned by the U.S. Department of Justice, according to Vega.

At the time, Gonzalez was in the sights of the U.S. government for his corrupt activities and was willing to discuss cooperating with U.S. law enforcers. His meeting with Vega was an effort to test those waters.

Vega claims that during that meeting, Gonzalez laid out the entire backbone of the Devil’s Cartel, naming names, including the allegedly corrupt U.S. law enforcers with DEA and Customs who were assisting the narco-traffickers with a variety of tasks — such as leaking information about U.S. law enforcement operations that were targeting members of the North Valley cartel.

Vega says all of the information from that meeting with Gonzalez was turned over to the FBI. However, he suspects no action has been taken on the corruption charges against the DEA and Customs law enforcers because those same agents also helped to make cases against key narco-traffickers from narco-organizations who competed against the North Valley syndicate. Vega says some of those cases are still pending in the U.S. court system, such as the case in Miami against the Rodriguez-Orejuela brothers, alleged founders of the Cali Cartel.

Gonzalez eventually became the target of a U.S. indictment charging him with narco-trafficking, money laundering and murder. He was assassinated in Colombia while preparing to surrender to the U.S. government.

If the allegedly corrupt DEA and Customs law enforcers were now exposed, Vega contends, the cases they helped make against narco-traffickers could be threatened, because defense attorneys could claim testimony and evidence were tainted.

CIA file

Vega played a key role in a DEA operation known as Cali-Man, which ran from 1997-2000 and was headed by DEA supervisor David Tinsley. As part of Cali-Man, Vega claims he recruited a cooperating source named Juan Nicolas Bergonzoli, who was a close associate of AUC leader Castaño. It was Bergonzoli who initially told Vega and his DEA handlers about the leaks out of the U.S. embassy in Bogotá, according to Vega.

Vega claims Tinsley wanted evidence of the leaks. So, Vega asserts, Bergonzoli in 1999 arranged to purchase information from the U.S. Embassy in Bogotá through CNP Colonel Gonzalez. He says Gonzalez obtained the information through his DEA contacts at the embassy and turned it over to Bergonzoli, who in turn brought it to DEA’s Tinsley.

The file provided to Bergonzoli, Vega alleges, was a record of all the intelligence gathered by the CIA in Colombia on some 200 narco-traffickers.

“It was the original file,” Vega claims. “I think it was a record of all the investigations of the CIA over the (prior) six months.”

Vega says the file contained detailed information on the narco-traffickers, including phone numbers, addresses, family trees and photographs.

The Kent memo also alleges that corrupt DEA agents in Bogotá were leaking classified information to narco traffickers and asserts that a number of informants were murdered as a result of the leaks.

“… They made startling revelations concerning DEA agents in Bogotá,” Kent writes in the memo. “They alleged that they were assisted in their narcotics activities by the [Bogotá] agents. Specifically, they alleged that the agents provided them with information on investigations and other law enforcement activities in Colombia.”

Law enforcement sources who spoke with Narco News also confirmed that a U.S. Embassy file was leaked to Bergonzoli. However, those sources could not confirm that it was a CIA file.

Unraveling truth

Can we believe Vega? That is a question only time will answer, as more evidence in this dark tale surfaces.

Some may contend that his tale is a tall story concocted by the mind of an individual who makes his living through deception. After all, in the wake of carrying out his informant work for the U.S. government, that same government accused Vega of taking millions of dollars from narco-traffickers in exchange for promising to help them negotiate lighter prison sentences.

So who can trust what Vega says?

Then again, the Kent memo makes essentially the same allegations about corruption within the ranks of U.S. law enforcement that Vega is now bringing forward. The DEA agents, including Tinsley, who sought to expose that alleged corruption, also were accused of being corrupt – charges that have since been dismissed.

Vega, too, was never convicted of a high crime for his alleged “corruption scheme,” which it turns out was a U.S. government-sanctioned cover story. Rather, the government was only able to stick Vega with a nitpicking misdemeanor charge for failing to file his 1998 tax return on time.

So, in time, we may also find that Vega is not the corrupt deceiver the government would like us to believe, but that, in fact, he is simply telling us a truth that the U.S. government doesn’t want us to know.

Vega, for his part, sees it this way: “It’s all a wheel … eventually my side will be up.”

Stay tuned ….

Prior stories in this series:

Bogotá DEA Corruption Allegations Intersect with Covert FBI, CIA Activity in Colombia

New Documents Shed More Light on Alleged DEA Corruption in Colombia

Leaked Memo: Corrupt DEA Agents in Colombia Help Narcos and Paramilitaries

Comments

Judge's ruling sheds light on informant's secret life

Baruch Vega claims he has extensive experience working as an informant for multiple U.S. law enforcement agencies.

So one of the first tests of his veracity has to be verifying that he did, in fact, work for those agencies.

Well, if a U.S. judge is to believed, there is no doubt that Vega was an in-demand inside player for the U.S. government.

In prior stories, Narco News has reported that leaks of classified information from the U.S. Embassy in Bogotá were allegedly discovered during an operation targeting Colombian narco-traffickers that was codenamed Calli-Man, which was overseen by Miami-based DEA Supervisor David Tinsley.

In the wake of reporting the leaks, Tinsley found himself the target of an internal DEA investigation that resulted in his suspension and eventual dismissal from his job.

Tinsley sought to get his job back, claiming the charges against him were bogus. He brought a claim of wrongful termination before a Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) judge, who, in April 2004, ruled in his favor and ordered the DEA to reinstate him — with back pay, plus interest.

(MSPB is an administrative court that handles cases involving federal employment issues, including cases of alleged retaliation against whistleblowers.)

The judge’s ruling in that case includes some very specific details about the activities of Vega, who in his other life was a high-profile fashion photographer. Those details confirm that the DEA, FBI and CIA all were utilizing Vega in operations targeting narco-traffickers in Colombia.

Vega told Narco News that while carrying out his complex missions for multiple U.S. agencies, he came across evidence of serious corruption within both DEA’s Bogotá office as well as within U.S. Customs – which has since become part of the Department of Homeland Security.

The judge’s ruling proves that Vega was in a position to run across that corruption. Whether the proof of that corruption will surface is still a story yet to unfold.

From the MSPB judge’s April 20, 2004, ruling in the Tinsley case:


… Baruch Vega has been a source of information for several federal law enforcement agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Customs Service and the DEA. …

… Additionally the return of Mr. [Orlando Sanchez] Cristancho to the United States was an extremely high-visibility operation within DEA.

Witness after witness testified that Mr. Cristancho was a major Colombian drug kingpin and that his surrender to the DEA was a major coup for the Miami District. The principals involved had numerous meetings, and the appellant [Tinsley] coordinated Mr. Cristancho's surrender with numerous authorities within and without DEA to include the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the U.S. Attorney's Office.

Indeed, the appellant used the CIA to bring Mr. Cristancho to the chartered aircraft surreptitiously, without going through Panamanian airport security or customs. The appellant simply made no attempt to conceal the use of the chartered aircraft. And, an Assistant U.S. Attorney and various DEA agents from Group 9 were at the Fort Lauderdale airport to greet the plane.

[NOTE: The use of the chartered plane at a cost of $23,200 was one of the main charges brought against Tinsley to fire him; DEA claimed it wasn't authorized; the judge disagreed.]

… The appellant [Tinsley] testified that, at the request of the FBI, he wanted the bare minimum of a paper trail for Mr. Vega. Both the DEA and FBI used Vega as a confidential source. The FBI specified that Vega would be a "non-testifier.” That is, he would never be used to testify in criminal trials. This status was necessary because Vega was called a “FCI-CI” or Foreign Counterintelligence Service Confidential Informant, who had been brought in by the CIA. As the appellant put it, “I'm having my agents cut him out every chance they can. I don't want him documented. I don't want him in our Case File any more than we have to.”

The trips to Panama at issue here were confidential source recruiting trips. The plan was for Mr. Vega to “introduce” SA Castillo [a DEA agent working under Tinsley] to drug traffickers and then to get out of there, so he would be in no position to have to testify regarding what conversations, if any, took place. For that reason, it was the appellant's [Tinsley's] judgment that few DEA-6s [reports] were required regarding Mr. Vega because Vega was a non-testifier, and, moreover, his activities did not yield investigative leads. And, as stated previously, at least one classified DEA-6 was prepared and was kept under lock and key in the Miami SAC's [special agent in charge’s] safe in order to safeguard the information contained therein….

So, it appears that Vega was no run-of-the-mill informant, but rather a coveted asset who played a critical role in a number of high-stakes U.S. government operations targeting Colombia.

That’s the picture as we can see it for now. But that picture is still developing.

Link: Judge’s ruling in Tinsley case

Rated 4 by 2 users. see individual ratings

Waiting on a snow blizzard in hell

Mark Conrad, a retired supervisory special agent with U.S. Customs, who is currently the associate general counsel for the National Association of Federal Agents, asked me to post the following comment in response to the Vega story.


I think the problem is that the Agencies do not have the where-with-all, talent, staying power or funds to go after systemic corruption of our own that are stationed in foreign countries that speak other languages, have other cultures and have a culture of corruption.

First, if you review some of the Internal Affairs reports that have been written over the last few years as I have, you wonder if these agents finished high school English OR Spanish. Second, there is so much downward pressure to close cases that complex, multinational matters simply are not looked upon with favor. Third, the name of the game is statistics -- monthly, quarterly, annually.

The type of investigation that would be required to unravel what Vega is talking about would take years, not months, and virtually no agency is going to commit those kinds of resources with no guarantees. This kind of investigation chews up resources incredibly fast and does not replenish the spent funds like so many domestic undercover operations that begin to fund themselves. For example, there are many UC operations that are useful in generating funds for the purpose of "generating funds" to acquire things that normal appropriated funds are not available for.

Fourth, where are you going to find the truly competent, bilingual agents that are dedicated to rooting out this kind of corruption. All of the Agencies are hiring sycophants and dopplegangers. See what happens to Agents/CBP [Customs and Border Protection] officers and others who speak up about these problems. Their careers are destroyed.

To make it even more dramatic, look at what the Internal Affairs Agents have been doing in El Paso. They have spent their time investigating one of their personnel, repeatedly, over matters that involved her divorce. One of the investigators told her he was investigating her in anticipation of her lying in divorce court. In a matter playing out in that courtroom, a Federal District Court Judge rightly called these investigations absurd.

We can easily see where our resources are going and why Vega's allegations will not see the light of day as long as you have the kind of mentality (midget) that is prevalent in Homeland Security (legacy U.S. Customs). From what I have seen, that mentality is there at DEA, INS, ICE, FBI and at State.

Solution: Select someone (retired and not beholden to anyone) with solid experience in conspiracy investigations who is well respected within the law enforcement community; let him/her select his team of investigators, and staff; give them a budget and a mandate to find out what happens; make the resources of the various agencies available without the bureaucratic infighting; let him/her select a former U.S. Attorney with excellent credentials to prosecute anywhere there is jurisdiction.

The lead person on this must be a former investigator to root out what happened. The lead investigator cannot be a "Boy Scout." This is tough, dirty, unpleasant, dangerous work and will lead to places the power structure does not want it to lead, much as the Cisneros and Able Danger investigations did.

There are a few very good men and women out there who might be willing to take on this onerous tasking. Now, will it happen -- when there is a snow blizzard in hell. Why? Not one of these agencies or their management wants to truly know what happened or why. It would cause them to have to deal with some things. Therefore, it will happen again.

Mark Conrad BS, MS, JD

Associate General Counsel

National Association of Federal Agents

Assistant Professor Criminal Justice

Troy University-Dothan Campus

E-mail: markconrad_law@hotmail.com


Rated 4 by one user. see individual ratings