By Al Giordano
Tuesday’s elections in the United States of Arkansas, Kentucky and Pennsylvania disproved the slick media pundit conventional wisdom and its clucking Chicken Little believers wrong once again. For weeks we’ve heard it in unison from the teevee talking heads and the mynah bird beaks of mass media consumers-cum-bloggers: that 2010 is an anti-incumbent year, that Democrats are going down, will lose the US House of Representatives in November (Newt Gingrich, yesterday, predicted a November Republican gain of up to 70 seats and possibly control of the US Senate, too, including a defeat of Senator Barbara Boxer of California: Bartender, I’ll have what he’s having.)
Most of the races on the ballot yesterday were primaries and in that context political outsiders out-organized the insiders within both major parties. The only contest to test whether climate change has come to the Democrat-vs.-Republican rivalry happened in Pennsylvania’s Congressional District number 12, in a special election to replace the late US Rep. Jack Murtha, a conservative Democrat. How great was the supposed “anti-establishment” tide that the media has been crowing about? The winner was Murtha’s longtime Congressional aide named Mark Critz.
For the past twelve years Critz worked as the regional director for Murtha. He was the staffer who responded to constituents, wrote letters on their behalf, cut Federal red tape, issued flags flown over the US Capitol, attended local events and solved problems for individuals, families and small businesses in the district. In other words, he did the part of a Congressman’s work that is not ideological, the Representative's representative in the district. In Congress, he’ll likely be a “blue dog” conservative Democrat, like Murtha (and that is fairly representative of that district, which I passed through in 2008 reporting the US presidential campaign). It is a bellwether district, 95 percent white, in Pennsyltuckian Appalachia; the only CD in the country that voted both for Kerry in ’04 and McCain in ’08, a “swing district” extraordinaire.
And yesterday the Democrat got 53 percent of the vote, a comfortable margin of victory, in this supposedly “anti-incumbent” year even though Critz was the closest thing to an incumbent in the contest. His victory underscores that when it comes to US House elections – fantasies of the activists of left and right aside – “the issues” and ideology are secondary criteria for most voters. Most Americans look at their representative in Congress and think “what can he do for me?” They want to know that their US Rep. can "deliver for the locals." Critz was accurately seen as the one who could pull the strings for the district precisely because he had Congressional staff experience. The “anti-incumbent” revolution predicted from all quarters did not materialize in Western Pennsylvania. The proper reading of yesterday's result in fact brings the opposite conclusion: Incumbents who do the grunt work of constituent services will mostly survive in November.
Tuesday’s results screw with the narratives imposed by many players on the political stage, and not just Gingrich’s. White, college educated, progressive activists have invested heavily in a harmonious argument with that of the tea partiers of the right. The portrait they paint is that President Obama isn’t satisfying “the base” enough, not being “progressive” enough, and that therefore ideological voters on the left will stay home and Republicans will conquer the upcoming midterm elections. It is often said as a threat: Do what I say or you will lose because “we” will sit on our hands. It’s tiresome not merely because it is boorish and an act of aspiring bullydom, but also because those who shout it don’t really have enough of a “we” behind them to make good on those threats, and most of that “we” doesn’t knock on doors or volunteer on phone banks or organize communities. They are aspiring generals with blogosphere accounts, but without armies.
Rather, the tea-baggers and fire-baggers alike are merely trying to get out in front of a normal trend in midterm elections: the party in the White House usually loses an average of twenty seats in the House and three in the Senate. They simply want to set up the bowling pins to be able to crow credit if and when the ball knocks some of them down. For careful watchers of US politics, their gambit is superficial and transparent, one aimed only at the most gullible among us.
It is in that light we also now look at the US Senate primary results in three states yesterday. Senate races are typically more about ideology and “issues” than House contests, and that is even truer of party primaries for those 100 seats. An important one happened in Kentucky with interesting results in both parties.
On the Republican side, in which the more ideological Rand Paul defeated the GOP establishment-backed candidate Trey Grayson, who was Senate Republican Leader Bill Mitch McConnell’s – also of Kentucky - handpicked horse. Paul, of course, is the son of US Rep. Ron Paul of Texas. The conservative GOP party ideologues, true, went with an avowed ideological adherent to tea-baggery, but it is also true that they picked a Congressman’s son as their white knight. How “anti-incumbent” or “anti-Washington” is that, really?
But as Alex Pareene (who cut his teeth at Wonkette and Gawker) notes at Salon, the more interesting story out of Kentucky yesterday than the Paultard freak show on the GOP side is that turnout was higher in the Democratic primary contest, where Attorney General Jack Conway is the apparent – pending a possible recount - winner:
Did you know that there's a Democrat in the race for Jim Bunning's Senate seat in Kentucky? He's state Attorney General Jack Conway, and he might actually win.
With 99% of precincts reporting, Conway has received 44% of the vote. That's 226,773 votes. His opponent, Lt. Gov. Dan Mongiardo received 221,269 votes. Rand Paul, the runaway winner of the Republican primary, received a total of 209,159 votes. In other words, both Democrats received more votes than either Republican. Which doesn't make it sound like the GOP base is energized for the Rand Paul rEVOLution.
If Conway remains the Democratic nominee, Kentucky’s “safe red” Senate seat is suddenly in play, and a pebble in the shoe of Newt Gingrich's attempt to party like it's 1994.
In Pennsylvania, the defeat of US Senator Arlen Specter in the Democratic primary by US Rep. Joe Sestak is welcome news, as is that out of Arkansas where challenging Lt. Governor Bill Halter forced corporate Democrat Blanche Lincoln (D-Wal-Mart) into a run-off to take place in three weeks. The “we speak for a base we did not organize” crowd is of course crowing to take credit for both advances by the more progressive candidates after weeks of whining that the Obama White House had backed, at least in name, the two incumbents. Howard Dean's Democracy for America, MoveOn, FDL PAC, etcetera will now fall all over each other trying to push out their credit-taking press releases on both contests, but the real story happened with the ground game in each state. Once again, the Chicken Littles are torn between illusions of their own grandeur and their narrative by which Obama is portrayed as an all-powerful executive who ought to be able to change the course of everybody’s pet issues in a single pen stroke, and all at once!
Rick Hertzberg of The New Yorker lays some rational analysis on it all:
Arlen Specter was not “selected by leaders in Washington.” He selected himself. As one of the last of the moderate Republicans, he was headed for defeat in his own party’s primary. He thought (no doubt correctly) that his chances for survival would be better in the other party, so he switched. The White House promised him support because his vote was an absolute sine qua non for overcoming Republican filibusters, most crucially filibusters against the health-care bill, on which the fate of Obama’s Presidency and the Democratic Congress rested. If this was a “backroom deal,” it was one that the White House and the “Democratic establishment” would have been criminally irresponsible not to cut.
With health care safely passed, however, the interests of the White House and the national Democratic Party are better served by Sestak’s winning the primary. Sestak is an actual Democrat, not a Democrat of opportunity. As such he will be a far more reliable and sincere supporter of the President and the President’s policies than Specter would have been if, at eighty years of age, the cranky ex-Republican had been vouchsafed a sixth (and last) six-year term. Moreover, Sestak is more likely to beat the Republican nominee, the fanatical anti-tax ideologue Pat Toomey. If Sestak wins in November, he'll probably be a senator for a long time. Given actuarial realities, a reëlected Specter might have ended up having to be replaced by a gubernatorial appointee, and there is no guarantee that Pennsylvania’s next governor will be a Democrat.
So I don’t see how this is some sort of defeat for the White House or miscalculation on their part. It looks more like a series of rather brilliant chess moves.
Energized Democratic electorates in the Pennsylvania, Kentucky and Arkansas Senate primaries, plus the comfortable victory of the D over the R in a swing district in Pennsyltucky, once again show that the proclamations of “the sky is falling” by self-promoting blog narrators were not grounded in any reality close to our own.
Many still don’t grasp that in 2008, everything changed in US politics, which is increasingly fought on the ground with the methods of community organizing. That’s what explains the high Democratic turnout yesterday and the bellwether district in Pennsylvania remaining blue. And that – and not ideological tantrums on the Internets – will write the history of November 2010. Seems like the grownups are still at the driver’s wheel and, once again, the Chicken Littles were wrong. And that is of course, old news and history repeating itself again. How many times have I written this story? How many more will I have to pen? Oh well, at least we get to use images of that cute little feathered guy again.
By Al Giordano
There is a mild disturbance in The Force these days – by that I mean Teh Internets – in that Facebook keeps moving the “privacy” carpet underneath its umpteen gazillion users: Information they’ve posted about themselves that was previously considered “private” (as if anything on the Internet really could be) has drifted into default public domains, which now puts the onus on those consumers to proactively change their Facebook “privacy settings” in order to keep their daily ravings, party photos and other content limited among a small circle of “friends.”
If you’re one of the four or five people out there that don’t use Facebook (probably because you knew all along it would go that way, or maybe because you, uh, have a life out there in the real world), apologies for devoting so much pixel space to this matter. But on the Internet, Facebook is what Joe Biden would call a BFD, and the reasons for that are interesting enough to me.
Now there is talk of exodus from Facebook. Maybe it will happen, or maybe not. As a 16-year Internet nomad, I don’t really care: On the Internet, something new frequently appears to replace what, last week, was “new.” But I think the “privacy” issue obscures a much larger societal shift, which is the subject of this essay: The New Exhibitionism.
Jacques Ellul wrote, prophetically in 1948, the radio age, that, “we live in an age of non-response.” The subsequent advent of new communications technologies like television and mass media only made that more true. The more “information” that has bombarded us with each passing day and year, the more isolated and alienated folks in the “developed world” have felt. TV played a big role in atomizing the nuclear family and the long tradition of conversation (which used to be the glue that held cultures and societies together). And the rest of capitalism and media did away with quaint concepts like “community.”
Increasingly, the individual – his and her ego, super ego and id – ended up floating out there no longer having a captive audience inside or outside the home or the community. The new technological distractions just proved more, well, distracting.
Along came the Internet and many of us thought, “Aha! Finally, a screen we can talk back to!” One of the buzzwords of the ‘90s and early ‘00s was the concept of “online community.” People sought out and found like-minded strangers and conversation shifted from oral to typed format. It was the simulacrum of “response” that had been missing from so many lives.
“Online communities” have risen and fallen in a relatively short period of history. In the 1990s, many Internet pioneers – especially on the West Coast – inhabited a space called The Well, where in ancient ASCII code (no photos or other images yet) we commented endlessly in short byte-sized phrases on each others’ comments: The New Illiterati! As the Internet became more popular a multitude of new “online communities” appeared, where people grouped with those that agreed with them politically, religiously, racially, sexually, or that shared other common interests, traits or obsessions. That, of course, sped up the market niching of society into homogeneous groups (for which the only antidote - community organizing - has thankfully experienced a resurgence).
The advent of online photos and images brought with it the concept of having a personal “avatar,” a graphic representation of one’s self in these “communities.” I opine that was a key turning point leading to the situation I am about to describe. The Internet evolved beyond being a cheaper long distance communications service to the place where we talk not just with strangers, but with our actual friends, neighbors, family members, even next-door neighbors and often those who live under the same roof. Why go all the way down the hall or knock on a door when we can type, “Honey, coffee’s ready” from the kitchen?
The personal avatar calcified quickly into our business and holiday card, storefront, and stage: Everybody suddenly had an actor to play our selves online (in the sense that Quentin Crisp said of John Hurt, “he is my representative on Earth”). The avatar – much like in the blockbuster movie by the same name – became a signifier for one’s presence in a new, often more immediately gratifying, “reality,” where it didn’t take too much cleverness or artistic skill to finally have a personal audience, that sensation of “response” that Ellul flagged as the next great yearning of the species.
Facebook turned that audience – of individuals known and unknown to us in off-screen life – into “friends,” a deceptive and somewhat pathetic concept, as this South Park excerpt so deliciously excoriates:
Facebook and other “online communities” became the places to vent, complain, float ideas, and look for the conversation that the media age had largely silenced. Sometimes you just want to say aloud what you cooked for yourself today because no one was around to eat it. But as the “online community” became more crowded and more “friends” were competing for the attention of mutual “friends,” mere venting, or posting photos of your cat, weren’t getting so much response as before. And so people’s avatars had to become more interesting, witty, appear as more complex, and develop, additionally, as stunt actors, pulling off daredevil trapeze acts of varied kinds.
In sum, to maintain that simulacrum of “response,” one had to show vulnerability and risk, as my favorite performance artist - and a huge influence over the authentic journalism renaissance - Penny Arcade described in a 2008 interview for her anthology: Bad Reputation: Performances, Essays, Interviews (2009, Semiotext(e)/MIT Press). The secret to her assemblage of a real live audience and community, mostly under the radar of the media gatekeepers and critics, was, she said, that in her performances she put herself at emotional and sometimes physical risk:
“A lot of younger people who’d work with me would see me talk directly to the audience, and they’d go, ‘Oh, I can do that.’ But they didn’t understand the level of integrity you have to bring to talking directly to the audience. Because …it doesn’t work unless you’re really at risk.”
This dynamic led more and more users of Facebook and other “online communities” to type things aloud that they probably wouldn’t say on the street or in the workplace, even though those reading them were slaving away in the next-door office cubicle and reading them from that illusory distance. They would type things that others, upon reading, would think, sure, but I would never say that in public! One married couple I know online, for example, posts all the time on Facebook about the hardships of parenthood. And since the kids are too young yet to read what they type, some of it comes off as deliciously harsh about the “little darlings.” That makes for compelling reading and generates comment and response from others with similar experiences. But when one day the wife began complaining online about her husband’s snoring, sending him links in full Facebook view to anti-snore products, and an army of women with similar complaints weighed in mercilessly on the theme, I really felt sorry for the guy. It was great Internet, but also, it seemed, too much information, not something that really belonged outside the comfort and privacy of the hearth.
I’m guilty of that TMI factor as well. I think most participants in “online communities” are. Sometimes I wake up in the morning and see something I typed there the night before and think, “oh, my, did I really say that aloud?” Like many others, I’ve used Facebook to flirt, to cajole, to reward, to punish, and to show vulnerability and risk which is sometimes sincere but other times completely fabricated stage acting because I know my audience and what it wants. Truth is, I don’t feel that vulnerable on Facebook because I’ve never labored under the illusion that my avatar or online representation is the real me. It’s just those pieces and strands of my life that are outside of my deepest core. I see it more as a place to develop material and improvise "on stage" with participatory feedback from the audience. And it is also, obviously, an organizing tool for off-screen events, concerts, sales, business and such, and a kind of phone book listing for long lost friends to find each other.
The danger for everyone comes if we begin to consider that online representation to be “the real me.” But I’m not really “Al Giordano.” I just play him on the Internet. And a very few people have ever gotten in close enough, in daily life outside the screen, to know the real Al, because that guy does have borders and visas to be stamped before somebody can enter.
But I sense that many of my Facebook audience, er, “friends,” suffer under an illusion that they are their avatars, and this is why Facebook’s moving the privacy chains has them so upset. They’ve shown actual risk and emotional vulnerability, exposed what they consider to be their true selves. And the thought of that suddenly becoming public domain is understandably terrifying: when the avatar has no clothes.
All that said, I don’t think this “privacy” flap is going to kill Facebook quite yet. As vulnerable as many people feel after airing their dirty laundry there, that experience has also been immensely satisfying to them; a guilty or or negative pleasure, which is what defines "sublime." It used to be that the place one would say things and do things to themselves and others they would never do in public was the family. But that’s all gone in the developed world now, extinct. Now it is Facebook and other online sites like it. If I had a nickel for every time I’d read somebody typing the words “my Facebook family” I wouldn’t have to regularly ask readers to support Narco News or The Field with donations.
Truth is – as every artist and creator knows – exhibitionism is fun! And extremely satisfying: It is, in fact, a basic human need that is experiencing a renaissance, which has democratized the artist’s impulse beyond the smaller circle of those of us who obsessively develop our arts as a craft.
And exhibitionism is totally addictive. And people need addictions, which are the fourth human instinct after the searches for oxygen, food/water and sex have been quenched: Intoxication, in a word, which comes from many directions beyond the traditional intoxicants that are ingested, injected or smoked. Show me someone in recovery from drugs or alcohol and I’ll show you someone who found a more compelling or healthier addiction. But they still need a regular “fix” of one kind or another. That’s what being human is.
The democratization of public or semi-public exhibitionism has thrown traditional concerns about “personal privacy” out the window. Who needs the CIA anymore when everybody is out there blurting the kinds of secrets it used to take surveillance to discover? Privacy didn’t disappear because Big Brother took it away. We gave it away! Freely! It fell aside to a greater impulse: the need to expose ourselves in public, to have an audience, and to keep it.
Facebook, sooner or later, will surely whither and give way to newer online outlets, just as others fell before it. But my hunch is that it won’t happen because people are really all that concerned about their “privacy.” They are concerned about their “identity” as individuals – at least that which they project in public – and part of many people’s identity is that they want to be seen as caring about their personal privacy. After all, it makes us more interesting, more sought after, if others feel we have something worthwhile to hide.
Outside of illegal acts (most people engage in one or another, at least now and then) what is left that individuals really need to hide in order to preserve themselves and thrive? And even the illegal acts – say, smoking pot – are no longer legally problematic for those of the income level that brings them a computer and Internet access. The house may no longer be a home, but it is still a bunker that the cops don’t typically enter merely because someone posts a Facebook status update or a photo that shows that he just took a bong hit. No, that treatment is reserved for the poor and for those who have to leave the house - or don't have one - to seek their fix.
And so a lot of the public angst right now about Facebook’s encroaching upon what was previously on default “private” setting is not, in my opinion, authentic concern about privacy. It is, rather, just another song and dance by our avatars, trying to show others that we care deeply about privacy and therefore we must lead very interesting lives off screen. It is an especially difficult challenge now posed to those confused that their avatars are honest representations of themselves.
There are still, in this day and age, people who are truly clandestine, who really do dangerous and exciting or felonious things out there in the real world. Most of them are either very poor or very rich and therefore are "off the grid" by circumstance or by fortress. But typically, they are not on Facebook. Or, if they are, they kept that stuff carefully cloaked all along, much in the way that a fugitive from justice will never run a red light or break the speed limit.
The rest of us might yearn for days gone by when privacy existed, but the impulse to expose ourselves has simply proved a stronger human instinct. To every man and woman, a stage, and an audience: Welcome to the New Exhibitionism!
By Al Giordano
On May 12, 2009, when the first US Supreme Court vacancy of the Obama era opened up, I wrote that I thought Solicitor General Elena Kagan, then 49, had “the inside track” for the post due to a variety of attributes that are just as true today. I was pleasantly surprised when my former Bronx neighbor Sonia Sotomayor got the robe instead, but that was as easy as rooting for the football New York Giants. (And how fortuitous it proved that Sotomayor was being a studious bookworm in high school instead of hanging out with your correspondent at night in the schoolyard of P.S. 8, or her confirmation hearings might not have been so smooth.)
Now Obama gets his second pick and he chooses Justice Thurgood Marshall’s former clerk, Kagan, a barrister that understands the Supreme Court and the Constitution better than any of her critics, right or left. And I’m heartened by authentic progressive Lawrence Lessig’s first hand testimony as to Kagan’s character and principles. “The Kagan I know is a progressive,” Larry writes, offering many examples as to why he makes that conclusion.
As a court reporter and civil libertarian journalist during many of my years in the United States – prior to ducking under the border thirteen years ago – I probably followed US Supreme Court and Court of Appeals decisions more closely than any reporter I knew for whom the Court itself wasn’t his or her beat (Cynthia Cotts, who later covered the Court for Bloomberg, being an important exception). And the dynamics of the Court in 2010 and in the years to come ain’t rocket science. There are nine justices: four arch reactionaries, four reliable liberals (including the retiring Justice John Paul Stevens, whom Kagan will replace), and one swing vote in Justice Anthony Kennedy. And if I were in President Obama’s shoes, I would look for a justice who could wow Judge Kennedy on the merits of law toward the left and civil libertarian side of the dial. I’d seek one who has the people skills and persuasive abilities to do just that.
According to Lessig, that is Kagan’s strong card: “it is this quality that distinguishes Kagan most strongly. For the core of Kagan's experience over the past two decades has been all about moving people of different beliefs to the position she believes is correct. Not by compromise, or caving, but by insight and strength. I've seen her flip the other side.”
That skill set is what we call community organizing. And the Supreme Court is a very small community of nine residents – four on the right, four on the left, and one that needs to be organized to win any vote there – that needs an organizer, like any other.
Now, it has been entirely predictable that the board members of Poutrage, Inc. – those self-proclaimed “progressive” pundits who have never been community organizers and resent Obama and all the rest of us that have actually done that work and won political battles because they keep failing at it – are caught up in their cyclical careerist protagonism over the Kagan nomination. I won’t mention any names, but of course Glenn Greenwald and Jane Hamsher are up to their Johnny-one-note tricks of getting their faces on the cable talk shows and in the media by proclaiming themselves “progressives against an Obama proposal” on any particular policy. They are as predictable as they are unconvincing, and although they always lose, they never change their bumbling tactics, I conclude that they are not interested in winning the issues they claim to care about. They are only interested in their own careers and egos and in fooling the gullible to send donations to their projects of self-enrichment. The issues are merely the means to try to make themselves relevant to the national discourse.
But back to the merits of the case: Secondarily, but also very important, if I were the President, I would look for a high court nominee that could get a few Republican votes in the Senate thus keeping rogue Democratic caucus members like Senators Joe Lieberman (CT) and Ben Nelson (NE) in line, because when the President has had to rely only on Senate Democrats, that’s when those guys start jumping ship and demanding deals for themselves in exchange for their votes (see: Health Care Reform). Kagan – like Sotomayor, a New York City native but her work as former Harvard Law dean makes her also a New England favorite daughter – puts Republican Senators Scott Brown (MA), Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins (ME) and Judd Gregg (NH) in easy position to support her nomination, and I think the regularly reasonable Richard Lugar (IN) comes along for the ride, too. And that provides the five-vote cushion to keep Senate Democrats in line and her nomination battle from having to expend political capital that needs to be used on immigration reform and other huge matters before the year is out.
Some other “progressives” (I put the word in quotes not to question their ideologies, but, rather because their use of the word excludes most non-white and non-college educated progressives, including me, from the term), however, seem not to care about immigration reform and all the other hard stuff that the Senate needs to do (or at least begin) this year and seem willing to throw all that out the window out of their desire for more symbolic gestures out of an Obama presidency.
Syndicated columnist and media critic Norman Solomon – who unlike the aforementioned ambulance-chasing “Progressives Against Obama” actually did have a youthful fling with grassroots community organizing and even went to jail for ten days for it – has decided that his own personal frustrations with Obama’s lack of left-wing symbolism should be played out over the Kagan nomination. For him, according to his own words, this court nomination battle is more about defining “progressives” in the US than it is about the merits of the case. Solomon writes: “some progressives have favored denial -- even though, if the name ‘Bush’ or ‘McCain’ had been attached to the same presidential policies, the same progressives would have been screaming bloody murder… But enabling bad policies, with silent acquiescence or anemic dissent, encourages more of them. At this point, progressive groups and individuals who pretend that Obama's policies merely need a few tweaks, or just suffer from a few anomalous deficiencies, are whistling past a political graveyard.”
With all due respect, Solomon at least is a kind of authority on the “political graveyard” because that’s where he and others of the liberal intelligentsia put us for various decades of the Apartheid Left in the United States: they were so obsessed with looking above and waging critiques of those in power that they ignored the necessary multi-racial grassroots organizing from below that is the only thing that ever wins any meaningful political battle. They became “leftish personalities” in the media world and constructed a mostly white and college-educated ghetto that largely defined what “progressive” or “liberal” meant, particularly during the 1990s and the Bush II era. In doing so, they alienated the working class and poor that are necessary to any progressive majority.
Like others of that tendency, Solomon preaches that “Progressives have a huge stake in averting a GOP takeover on Capitol Hill,” (that part we agree on), but doesn’t seem to grasp that derailing or delaying the Kagan nomination would aid that scenario, not hinder it. That’s because Solomon doesn’t really understand the electoral political dynamics in the United States, and why would he? He hasn’t done the grassroots organizing spadework, at least since the Reagan era, to have a clue as to how and why elections are won and lost.
When Solomon writes that, “if the president's nomination of Elena Kagan is successful, the result will move the Supreme Court to the right,” he also displays gross ignorance in the current dynamics of the Court, since the only thing right now that will move the court right or left will be Justice Kennedy’s vote and whether the left side can pull him or not.
When Solomon and some others like him argue that, “Progressives should fight the Kagan nomination,” he surely isn’t thinking or talking about African-American or Hispanic-American progressives, because if he did, he’d know the reasons why that simply is not going to happen. The two most important sectors – today and for the mid and long term future – in American progressivism have other priorities (ones that I share) that don’t include making the Kagan nomination a fight over how white progressives define ourselves.
I’m sorry to say it, because I think it is almost unconscious on Solomon’s part, but he displays more of a nostalgia for when progressives lost every single battle but at least he and some college educated colleagues got to call themselves the faces of American progressivism – a mantle that in the age of Obama they can no longer claim. And from that font gushes all the resentment and frustration. The rest is just window dressing and pretexts for another column.
The other “Progressives Against Obama” member I’ll take to the woodshed today is radio and TV host Cenk Uygur, for whom the Kagan nomination likewise is not really about Kagan but about Obama himself. He writes:
“My problem with her is my problem with Obama. Cheney and Bush moved the ball 80 yards down-field (sic, as anyone who knows the NFL spells it downfield, without hyphen), whether that was on executive power, warrantless wiretapping, pre-emptive wars or just about any other issue you can think of. And Obama's bold and brilliant response is to move the ball 10 yards in the opposite direction. Not good enough. Not remotely good enough…
“He is never going to throw the ball down the field. If you like two yard pick-ups by a running-back going straight up the middle, you'll love Obama. It's the Eddie George presidency. What he doesn't seem to get is that the other side is eventually going to get the ball back and then it won't seem like a major accomplishment that we went from our own two-yard line to our own twelve-yard line. It'll be viewed as a tremendous disappointment.”
Actually, Mr. Uygur, you ought to get to know the games of football and of politics before nominating yourself as head coach or quarterback. You should at least know the rules of the game. In football, moving the ball ten yards downfield is precisely good enough. It is called gaining a first down, that which allows your team to remain in possession of the ball and keep battling downfield toward touchdowns and field goals, while denying the opposing team time on the clock to do so.
The name-dropping of running back Eddie George is also revealing as to just how greatly Uygur’s comparison fails epicly: Eddie George, at Ohio State University, won the Heisman Trophy in 1995, and he rushed for more than 10,000 yards in only eight years in the NFL (presidents, by law, can’t last more than eight) and George helped bring his middling team to the Super Bowl in just four years, one first down at a time. In his first season with the Houston Oilers-cum-Tennessee Titans franchise (when George earned the NFL’s Rookie of the Year title), the team won just eight games to eight losses. By 1999, the Titans had 13 wins to three losses and went to the Super Bowl.
What got them there? First downs and ball possession, largely thanks to Eddie George: That team won by running the ball up the field three or four yards per play.
Guys like Solomon and probably Uygur (the jury is still out on the latter) are a bit distinct from pond scum like Greenwald and Hamsher, who are only in it for their own protagonist careers. The former are more akin to those fans in the bleachers always screaming at the quarterback to throw the long ball even against teams skilled at interceptions.
Meanwhile, the new star quarterback keeps controlling the ball, marching the team downfield, winning first downs every ten yards, and the Kagan confirmation is another touchdown that soon will happen. And then Obama’s second draft pick for the US Supreme Court can begin tag-teaming Justice Kennedy along with Justice Sotomayor and concretely move the Court to the left.
Thus, those who claim that the Kagan nomination “moves the court to the right” reveal only their gross ignorance about the dynamics of the US Supreme Court in the present day. And the unflappable head-coach-in-chief is absolutely correct to ignore the cat-calls from the armchair quarterbacks in the bleachers who have never won a game, and thus have no idea how it is really done.
Welcome to the NFL, boys. Wear a cup.
Update: Lessig weighs in anew, with an argument very similar to the one you've just read:
Barack Obama is appointing the 4th justice to the non-right-wing wing of the Supreme Court, not the 5th. If the appointment is successful, it will produce decisions with at least 5 votes that are closer to Obama's view of the Constitution than to Bush's.
So what kind of 4th Justice is likely to produce that 5th vote?
To hear the liberals talk about it, it sounds like they think we need a Thomas or Scalia of the Left. A bold, if sometimes bullying, extremist that marks off clearly the difference between the Left and the Right. Someone we could rally around. A new hero for an ideology too often too afraid to assert itself.
But nobody who understands the actual dynamics of the Supreme Court could actually believe that such a strategy would produce 5 votes. No doubt it would produce brilliant dissents. No doubt it would give the Keith Olbermann's of the world great copy. But it would fail to achieve the single thing we ought to be focusing on: How to build "coalitions," as Massachusetts Chief Justice Margaret Marshall put it to NPR yesterday, of five. Not compromises, not triangulations, but opinions that work hard to cobble from this diverse court a rule of principle that our side could be proud of...
Clearly, he has also studied the playbook and the rules of the game, which is the bare minimum we should all demand from any aspiring commentator.
By Al Giordano
George Sanchez, graduate and professor of the School of Authentic Journalism, opens the 2010 j-school class on How to Write a News Story. Photo DR 2010 by Omar Vera.
Anyone who has talked with me for more than five minutes about the state of journalism today knows that my critique quickly spreads from the commercial media – which everyone now accepts is obsolete and dying, it is almost redundant now to point that out – to the so-called “alternative” or “activist” media, which too often ends up mimicking the worst vices of the corporate media.
We receive many story submissions to Narco News each week, plus requests to link to other independent media stories. And it mostly pains me to have to pass up on the sincere and honestly written pieces that unfortunately end up incoherent because they either use a ki nd of “activistspeak” that is pitched at an insular audience of those that already agree with the writer, or because they read like academic essays by people who, in their writing pens, never escaped from the poor writing formulas they were taught at universities.
And that’s one of the reasons that since 2003 we’ve offered the School of Authentic Journalism, which convened again this past February on Mexico’s Yucatán peninsula. And the main reason we’ve never charged tuition for students is that, unlike the big university j-schools, we don’t want to select participants for their ability to pay, but, rather, on the merits of their talents and social consciences. To reconstruct a journalism of the people, the participants have to come from all economic strata of society.
At the 2004 School of Authentic Journalism in Bolivia, two graduates of the ’03 school – George Sanchez and Reed Lindsay – together with Bolivian journalist Claudia Espinoza, offered a plenary workshop titled “How to Write a News Story” which I lamented not videotaping, it was such a clear and coherent expression of our approach. But YouTube didn’t even exist back then and it was only that year’s j-school experience that convinced us to branch into the production of online video, through a then-launched sister site, SalonChingon.com.
So this year I asked George – now a veteran of various daily newspaper staffs – along with French correspondent in Mexico Anne Vigna and up-and-coming independent reporter Erin Rosa (whose job at the time was to train US college students to do better journalism at their school newspapers) to captain the 2010 version of this workshop.
As you can see from the video, above, they took what most journalism schools have turned into a drudgery-filled spectacle of boredom – the basic steps of how to write a news story – and yet held the intense interest of an audience, half of whom were “professors” at the school. This almost-seven-minute video, of course, only captures a fraction of the 90 minute session – which included audience participation – but you can see in the “b-roll” shots of those of us receiving the course an attentive and interested public.
A week after this year’s j-school, I wrote up that workshop for Narco News, intentionally adhering to the steps recommended by Sanchez at the opening of this video in constructing that news story.
And today we offer the seventh in the ongoing series of viral videos from the 2010 School of Authentic Journalism, this one about that very plenary session. Here it is:
Greg Berger – ’04 graduate and, now, department chairman at the School of Authentic Journalism - captained the production of the How to Write a News Story video. (Don’t miss his latest masterpiece, Love In Times of Swine Flu, which he writes up this week for Narco News, too.)
Here, Berger shares some tips about how the video was made, and the philosophy behind producing it:
If there is one thing I took away from the Narco News School of Authentic Journalism this year, it was a rule that I have since applied in all of my classes. Don’t be boring, or else! This video, therefore, is not boring. The NO BORING clause is a cardinal rule of my friend, colleague, and School of Authentic Journalism founder Al Giordano. Of course, I have long followed this rule, but I liked the way Al said it this year.
I believe that it is this sacred commandment which separates the School of Authentic Journalism from traditional journalism schools. No one has ever been bored at our school.
Part of the reason this is so is that teachers like George Sanchez, Erin Rosa, and Anne Vigna are able to say in just a few minutes what many students don`t learn in four years of graduate journalism school.
So when I sat down to make a synopsis of the session "How To Write A News Story" for our ongoing viral video series, I wanted to do two things. Above all, I wanted to make a video which would provide visual illustration for the concepts that the professors were talking about. But I also wanted to make a video that would be fun to watch.
After Al and I edited the text of the session down to its essence, we downloaded lots of videos in the public domain that make reference to journalism. Cutting up old campy stock footage is always an easy way to punctuate people`s thoughts in a video.
However, one problem we ran into while making this video is that it is difficult to make pop-culture references that play coherently across cultures. So we decided to use clips whose visual meaning was clear (such as the cowboy angrily ripping down a posted newspaper page) or with characters universally recognized (such as Bart Simpson or the Road Runner and Coyote.)
But the heart of this video is the clear and succinct instruction that Sanchez, Rosa, and Vigna offer their students.
Enjoy the video, follow the tips offered for writing a news story, and if anyone gets bored you can track me down and beat me to death with an old copy of Newsweek magazine. That`s the only thing that magazine is good for anyway.
Many thanks to the viral video team for filing the event and to 2010 School of Authentic Journalism graduate Karina González for finding stock footage online.
Today, it is also my pleasure to announce that we are embarking on a new branch of the tree of authentic journalism. Coming soon to a screen near you: Narco News TV.
These videos from the 2010 School of Authentic Journalism – and those that are still under production – will serve as the foundation stones of that online video journalism project, and we’ll bring six years of the SalonChingon.com videos onto the new platform as well. Eventually, resources permitting, it is our goal to regularly produce online news videos from the stories we cover throughout the hemisphere and make them available (like everything else here, free of charge) to the worldwide public.
Meanwhile, if you have sent us story submissions over the past ten years that we haven’t bit on, this video, and the accompanying news story about the workshop upon which it is based, serve as an excellent first step to know what we look for in the stories we publish, and also offers a good example of how the teaching and learning at the School of Authentic Journalism is done.
By Al Giordano
Robert Downey Jr. as weapons magnate Tony Stark ended the first Iron Man movie in 2008 with a press conference declaration that “I am Iron Man” and the sequel, opening in the US on Friday, begins by reliving that confession. As is common in the Marvel comics franchise films, the fourth wall in Iron Man 2 doesn’t just get broken. It is mercilessly sledgehammered into rubble, again and again. Downey Jr., in real life, has come back from an industry-imposed tomb; there were years in which the big insurance companies wouldn’t indemnify the single best actor of my generation and so Hollywood would not hire him, and his chemical preferences and resulting antics were grist for the gossip rags and the puritan finger-waggers. The Stark-Iron Man role has put Downey Jr. back on top of the box office and his resurrection parallels that of the blockbuster character he now commands.
But what am I doing writing about what many consider to be a mere action film when an oil slick covers the Gulf of Mexico, when Arizona has declared immigrants as public enemy number one, when the specter of paramilitary ambush and assassination has reappeared in Mexico and all of that ought to be like shooting fish in a barrel for an investigative journalist? It is because at this dark hour of history, humankind needs a hero, or, better said, collectively needs to become one. Unfinished drafts of stories about each of those things and more clutter my desktop but none have yet found that glimmer of hope that has infused so much of the body of work that has flowed from this pen. If there is no chance to change history, why write at all?
And so as I was waiting for the social movements and organizers (forget about the “activists,” whose Modus Operandi is dull repetition, boredom and certain defeat) to show some fighting spirit and get creative in reversing these evils, and thus to give us something to talk about, I wandered into the cinema last Friday for the international Iron Man 2 premier, which opened in Latin America a week before it will in the United States. It is frankly rare when we expats get to see or hear a piece of American pop culture before you who live there do. So let me get out in front of Iron Man 2 and define it for the homeland.
Marvel comics – in which Iron Man has been a lead actor since 1963 - introduced a generation of kids to the concept of the flawed hero. Those books taught that you can be screwed up, neurotic, lacking in self-confidence, an outcast, an illegal alien or a mutant, or any other kind of misfit, and still do extraordinary acts for the good of society.
The Marvel universe provided the older brothers, father figures and role models I never had in real life during a somewhat troubled youth: Matt Murdock (Daredevil) was a blind working class kid from a broken home turned defense lawyer in Manhattan's Hell’s Kitchen who sought vengeance after his pop, a boxer, was murdered by the mob. Dr. Stephen Strange was a Greenwich Village eccentric living at 177A Bleeker Street who’d lost use of his surgeon’s hands so had to learn to transverse separate realities and manipulate time and space via sorcery. Inventors Hank Pym (Ant Man, Giant Man) and Janet Van Dyke (the Wasp) had a dysfunctional marriage and, when not fighting vs. supervillains, were daily at each other’s throats. James “Logan” Howlett (Wolverine) had been born in 1810 but didn’t age, causing him eternal boredom, which he medicated with tobacco, booze and roguish antics. Arms merchant playboy Tony Stark (Iron Man) was a regularly bottom-hitting drunk. Despite – and also because of – their flaws, they, and others like them, saved the world, every month, for twelve cents an issue.
Which is why it was disappointing that the first Iron Man movie, in 2008, turned Stark into a mere social drinker glossing over that which made his character most interesting. The hero who could fire repulsor beams from his palms was regularly, outside of his clunky uniform, repulsive. That lack in the first flick was particularly a letdown because we all knew that Downey Jr. could nail the essence of that character, but the script did not give him the chance. But if you don’t like “spoilers” stop reading right now because here it comes: Iron Man II includes a sensational scene of Stark going on a raving drunk in his Iron Man suit, putting a mansion full of civilians at risk. Col. James “Rhodey” Rhodes, (Don Cheadle replaces Terrence Howard from the 2008 film in the sidekick role), then has to suit up in the uniform that readers of the books know as War Machine to stop him. And Downey Jr. finally gets to market what too many pounded on him as a weakness, now, as a strength and a well to draw from on screen.
The bigger surprise yet from Iron Man II is the emergence of Scarlett Johansson as agent Natasha Romanoff (The Black Widow), cast totally against nice-girl type and emerging with a role that should earn its own spin-off movie as well as a seat around the SHIELD roundtable in the 2012 Avenger’s flick for which the Iron Man films and the 2008 Incredible Hulk movie – along with upcoming flicks based on the characters of Thor and Captain America – are stage setters.
Johannson plays two roles at once: the SHIELD agent Natasha Romanoff (originally named Natalia Romanova in the Marvel book) in black cat leather, sophisticated pistol whip weaponry and loyal accomplice of eye-patched SHIELD chief Nick Fury (played by Samuel L. Jackson) who in the first part of the movie goes undercover at Stark Enterprises posing as legal department attaché Natalie Rushman. Her covert assignment is to keep tabs on Stark. In each metamorphosis Johannson accomplishes something I can’t remember another actor or actress doing in any film, ever: she steals entire scenes from Downey, Jr. To my sister native New Yorker's credit, she also does most of her own stunts. One violent action scene she shares with director John Favreau (who ably plays Stark Enterprises' guy friday Happy Hogan) cements Johansson's baptism into the role of kick-ass superpowerdom and any movie critic who tries to say otherwise will end up like the dozen uniformed security guard she wastes with jaw-gaping acrobatic grace.
In April 2009, without mentioning Iron Man II by name, Johansson wrote a Huffington Post column about her training regimen to be able to skinny into the black leather suit that US movie goers will be seeing her in later this week. Her transformation from perky, bright, amusing Woody Allen comedic sidekick-muse to hard edged, no-nonsense, lethal kickboxing disciplinarian for the reckless Stark goes way beyond physical form. Stark cannot take her eyes off her (“can I have one?” he comments to love interest Virginia “Pepper” Potts, played again by Gwyneth Paltrow, upon meeting his company’s latest employee) and neither can the audience. Johansson out-Downeys Downey entering each scene like a tornado that vacuums up all the attention available on the big screen.
Marvel Comics movies have the budget and fun-factor to have drawn many of the better actors and actresses in Hollywood (and Broadway, as Hugh Jackman’s Wolverine character attests) but until Johansson’s appearance this week, Academy and box office favorite female leads like Paltrow and even Halle Berry (X-Men’s Storm) have been mostly outshone by the male characters in the all-star ensembles (Fammke Janssen’s Dr. Jean Grey-cum-Phoenix in the X-Men series being a notable exception). Jennifer Garner nabbed a spin-off for the Elektra character that she developed in Daredevil, but her solo film didn’t rise to the gut-checking Joseph Campbellian mythology of most of the Marvel motion pictures. Not so with Scarlett as The Black Widow. It’s been some days since this viewer left the theater, and there’s still a welt from her super-heroine sting.
Once Iron Man II breaks box office records (it has already grossed more than $100 million abroad and its commercial triumph is inevitable on the domestic front, too) there should be a clamor to write Johannson into the 2012 Avengers mega-flick if The Black Widow isn’t in there already. She is the character that the Marvel film universe has been waiting for. At 25, Johansson is younger than most of the aging stars of the films that have been worthy of sequels (The X-Men key cast characters, for example: Jackman is 41, Janssen is 45, Patrick Stewart (Professor Charles Xavier) and Ian McKellen (Magneto) are 70, giving that franchise limited staying power.) As for the Iron Man/Avengers franchise, Jackson is 60, Downey, Jr. is 45, Ed Norton (it is not yet confirmed he will be back as The Hulk in the Avengers movie) is 41, Paltrow is 37. Anthony Hopkins, who will play the role of Norse god Odin, father of Thor, is 72. But who among the Marvel movie bigfeet has the potential to usher the franchise into another decade, not to mention Johansson’s potential to widen the demographic? (The Marvel.com website, for example, has a 57-percent male audience, probably indicative of its comic and movie viewers as well.) These times need a heroine even more than they need a hero.
As the Avengers prequel movies come into focus, the Marvel film empire is developing some new and younger talent. 26-year-old Chris Hemsworth will play Dr. Donald Blake a.k.a. the Norse thunder god Thor, and Chris Evans, 28, will be Steve Rogers, The First Avenger: Captain America, in its own feature film that begins shooting next month. Those films will bring those young actors into the top tier, but Johannson entered the Marvel universe one already.
As with Downey’s increasingly complex Iron Man, The Black Widow character has its own complications for the artist Johansson to develop over sequels if they happen. A Stalingrad-born Russian secret agent, markswoman, black belt, and spy, orphaned and raised by Soviet agents, artificially enhanced for long life, and reprogrammed with false memories, The Black Widow defected to the US hopelessly in love with bad-boy Avenger arrow-man Hawkeye. (The book character gets around: The Widow has also had stormy affairs with Daredevil and with Captain America sidekick Bucky Barnes, among others.) Like Captain America, her story begins in the World War II era and the old lady in a young woman’s body has a loner’s streak and rocky relationships in her on-again off-again membership of multiple super teams and duos. The Black Widow, as portrayed by Johansson, screams out for more big-screen time. Joss Whedon - likely director of the Avengers movie and the creator of the Buffy the Vampire Slayer TV series - won’t be able to, nor should he, resist her bite.
As for the villain in the film that critics are raving about, yes, of course, Mickey Rourke puts on a credible Russian accent, broods, aces the role of Ivan Vanko (Whiplash) and then he dies. The end. He was a better villain than the first film's Jeff Bridges, which is what we expect from Rourke. But the heroes of this flick - Downey Jr., Johansson and Jackson as Nick Fury - are what viewers will remember long after exiting the theaters.
(And, as Marvel movie aficionados know already: Do not leave your seat until after the final credits have rolled: there will be a "tag" scene at the end that sets up the next movie in the series. 'Nuff said.)
None of this high praise for Johansson’s Marvel movie debut can obscure Downey Jr.’s acting triumph in Iron Man II. Something about playing a wounded hero is natural to many of the aforementioned Hollywood stars, but more so for the man who plays Tony Stark, a man who has more money and wisecracking charm than God but whose best friends seem to always have to deal with “the problem with him,” put up with him and pick up after his messes more than they seem to enjoy him. Saving the world with Tony isn’t always a picnic. And so it is in life, too. That’s what makes the best Marvel hero flicks so much more than special effects razzle-dazzle, as complex and broken humans stumble through the duties and crises that are much bigger and nobler than them. The DC comics franchise (Batman, in particular) has copied the Marvel formula bringing more angst and edge to its characters, but nobody does it like Marvel, which invented and deepened the characters over so many decades precisely around that genre.
Iron Man 2 is Hollywood’s first super hero of the Obama era, and like the USA itself, the lead character has growing pains of peacetime conversion. “I have privatized world peace,” Stark announces, flashing Nixonian peace signs, at a Congressional hearing in which a pudgy US Senator played by Gary Shandling seeks to make him turn over the Iron Man suit technology to the Pentagon. And there’s an awesome anti-corporate subplot with Sam Rockwell as rival arms dealer Justin Hammer playing an envious Bill Gates to Stark’s Steve Jobs. In the first Iron Man movie, Stark emerges from a kidnapping to cancel Stark Industries’ weapons production and devote the corporation’s entire resources to development of a new energy source. Meanwhile, the suit itself has become the weapon that makes all other weapons systems impotent and nation-states simply can't carry on with wars with the same gusto as they did before.
In the comic books, Stark was Marvel’s token right wing hero - obsessed with fighting communism and ever battling Russian and Chinese nemeses – flanked in the Avengers super team by social liberals like the selfless and noble Captain America and the hippie environmentalist Thor. That theme continued right into this century with the Marvel mega-comic series Civil War, in which Stark leads the half of the superhero universe that is in favor of a Super Hero Registration Act while Cap leads the guerrilla civil libertarian resistance. But the on-screen Stark has adapted to the times, rejecting empire for a higher calling, at least at the key moments between his out-of-uniform personality crises.
The prequel’s confession that “I am Iron Man” infuses and is the theme of Iron Man 2. Downey Jr. is Iron Man. And he is even more so Anthony Edward “Tony” Stark (both of whom inherited their trades from famous innovator fathers, a commonality that Downey Jr. cited to MTV as influencing his portrayal of Stark). This third in the five-or-more-part series leading up to the Avengers crescendo in 2012 – excuse my heresy – will probably end up surpassing the X-Men movie franchise as a pop cultural definer of what heroism looks like in our times.
The personal struggles of the flawed Stark who inherits the sins of his fathers and of his country and has a difficult, not always successful, time evolving into what he knows he needs to be mirrors that of US society and its citizens. And that’s what makes Iron Man 2 more than an action picture for boys and toys. The truth is that in 2010, we are all Iron Man, without enough time left to heal our considerable personal wounds and with new technologies at our fingertips that are at least as evil as they are good, but also the urgent duty to rise above our flaws and convert our technologies at an hour of moral crisis and to go out and save the day.
By Al Giordano
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When on the night of the passage of the US health care law March 21, I wrote that the next big battle would and should be immigration reform, I had no idea that the state of Arizona was about to polarize the issue with the passage of its Juan Crow law last week. It is a law so unwieldy, unenforceable, unconstitutional and un-American that its authors inadvertently gifted to reform proponents that “fierce urgency of now” that Martin Luther King, Jr. once spoke of as a basic building block of change.
And, unwittingly, they opened a hole big enough for President Obama to drive a Mac truck through, as Greg Sargent noted at the moment:
This is pretty big: Obama just now sharply condemned the controversial anti-illegal immigration effort in Arizona, calling it “misguided” and “irresponsible” — and even said his administration could insert itself into the fight if civil rights are found to be violated.
This could cause the issue to heat up to full boil on the national level, with untold consequences for the midterm elections.
The effort in Arizona would require anyone suspected of being in the country illegally to produce “an alien registration document” or other proof of citizenship. The Governor of Arizona is expected to decide within days how to act on the legislation — and Obama today pushed the issue hard.
“Our failure to act responsibly at the Federal level will only open the door to irresponsiblity by others,” Obama said. “That includes for example the recent efforts in Arizona, which threaten to undermine basic notions of fairness that we cherish as Americans, as well as the trust between police and their communities that is so crucial to keeping us safe.”
In 2007 – the last time the US Senate attempted to enact immigration reform, creating a path to citizenship for twelve million undocumented Americans – we reported extensively in Narco News on the political battle. And we’ve been waiting two years to report the sequel (one that is of high interest both to Field Hands and to Narco News readers, two audiences that, hard as we try, do not always overlap, but largely will on this one).
There are three givens that I would like everyone to keep front and center:
1. The political reality is that the US Senate has to tackle immigration reform before the House. That’s why the moves now to put it on the upper chamber’s front burner are sound politically. Strike while the fierce-urgency-of-now is hot!
2. While I support and fully join in the boycott underway of products from Arizona, we must keep in mind that Arizona-bashing may feel good for the activists but it is not enough by itself (boycotts are historically mostly unsuccessful, something the two young ladies I spied at an outdoor restaurant in Mexico City this afternoon sipping tall cans of Arizona brand iced tea underscore). The Courts will eventually upturn the Arizona law, but that will simply return the situation to an already rotten status quo in which twelve million undocumented Americans are still persecuted severely.
3. Therefore, the big enchilada is national immigration reform itself. That is where to focus the laser of our efforts. Keep your eyes on the prize, and hold on.
And all this happens on the eve of the annual May 1 pro-immigrant rights rallies that emerged in 2006 and recent events pretty much ensure they’ll be bigger, once again, than all the “tea parties” put together.
Let us not forget that in 2006 only two US Senators out of 100 walked alongside the May Day marchers. One, Ted Kennedy, is no longer with us. The other, Barack Obama, well, you know where he is. It’s clear that as the son of an immigrant himself, that this famous quotation of his is a principle he applies to immigration reform:
“We may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction--towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren... working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.”
Under radar, Obama and his party’s Organizing for America army has, for months already, been doing the stealth community organizing spade work, preparing the ground for this perfect storm. Throughout the country, organizers show up at citizenship swearing-in ceremonies with voter registration forms, and in key areas have begun door-to-door canvasses in Hispanic neighborhoods previously untouched by electoral machines because they had so few eligible voters. The national organization Real Immigration Reform for America has already deployed 60 paid community organizers in key states and districts, and has trained hundreds more volunteers in twelve states, to fan the perfect storm.
As always when anything real might get done in Washington, there is some concern trolling going on, and on both sides of the aisle. Republicans like Senators Lindsay Graham (R-SC) and John McCain (R-AZ) have bolted (for now) from the same immigration reforms they once supported and co-sponsored. Graham’s explanation is revealing as to why:
Republican Senator Lindsey Graham said frustration over the Arizona law is understandable, but an election year is not the time to bring up immigration reform.
"If you bring up immigration this year... you have really done damage to immigration prospects in the future. You have taken the country and pitted it against each other," Graham said
And on the Democratic side, there are those complaining that immigration reform may bump Climate Change legislation to second-in-line, as if one victory doesn’t make the other more possible.
Senator John Kerry (D-MA), a big supporter of both bills, smacked that canard down artfully:
"It's practically a rite of passage. No serious legislation ever makes it very far in Congress before it's declared dead - at least once, sometimes two or three times."
Markos Moulitsas of the Daily Kos has done yeoman’s work heading off the concern trolls at the pass by highlighting polls that show strong public support for reform and additional argument as to why it is smart politics to do this in an election year (and citing the historic backlash against Republicans from California’s anti-immigrant proposition 187 in 1994).
And so here we go: Once more into the breach, dear friends, once more. Lace up your canvassing cleats, dust off those clipboards... and wear a cup. The storm is going to be torrential before the rainbow appears. But we already know how to make history in the middle of a storm, one doorbell at a time.